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Full text of "Third annual report of the American Anti-Slavery Society : with the speeches delivered at the anniversary meeting, held in the city of New-York on the 10th May, 1836 : and the minutes of the meetings of the society for business."

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Oa the 10th May, 1836, 

AND TrtjS 





129 2'nlton Street. 

1836. 0 


or THE 


The Third Anniversary of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society was celebrated on the 10th day of 
May, 1836, at the Presbyterian church, corner of 
Houston and Thompson streets, at 10 o'clock, A.Bl 
The meeting was called to order by the President, 
Mr. Arthur ^appan. 

Prayer was offered by Charles Stuart, 

The fifth chapter of the Epistle of James was 
read by the Rev. Joel Mann. 

An abstract of the Annual Report was then read 
by Elizur Wright, Jr., Secretary for Domestic 

On motion of Thomas Shipley, of Philadelphia, 

Resolved, That the Annual Report be accepted, and approved, and that it be 
enjoined on the Executive Committee to publish the same, as far as possible^ 
throughout the length and breadth of the land. 

Hon. William Jay said, Mr. President, this society has from the first avowed, 
that the object of its labors is two-fold— tho liberation of the slave, and the ele- 
vation of the colored man. We arc accused of aiming to effect the one by insur- 
rection, and the other by amalgamation. 

The calumiiies by which we are assailed have been excited, not by the means 
we have employed, but by our bold and persevering vindication of human rights. 
Those rights are violated, not merely by the slave laws of the south, but also by 
the oppression of the colored people at the north; and above all, by the black 
ACT of Connecticut, which at once outrages the constitution of our country and 
the reb'gion of Jesus Christ. 


We demand the acknowledgment and enjoyment of these rightfl—rightB whicfa 
firo the gift of the beneficent Father of us all, and which are founded on his grant,- 
and not on the tincture of a skin. This demand is the sum and substance of our 
offence. We seek m visionary equality. We have taken ao lessons in the school 
of (he ferocious republic of infidel Prance. We propose no common measure of 
property, talent, influence or honor. But we do insist that all mankind, irre- 
spective of complexion, are equally entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap* 
pmess, and have equal claims to justice and humanity. 

It is no part of our purpose, to prescribe rules for domestic and social inter-- 
course. Such an interference would of itself be a trespass on the rights uf others, 
since persons of every complexion are unquestionably entitled to select their own 
associates, and to regulate the intercoiu^Jo of their own families. We ask 
no favors for ourselves—we ask none for our colored brethren. But we do intend 
to assert and maintam our own eights ; end we intend to assert their hightb, 
and to use all lav^ means to obtain them. 

It is this determination that has exposed us to vituperation and personal vior 
lehce. Politicians have essayed to barter our constitutional liberties, for southern 
votes.— Wealthy merchants, too busy to examine cur principles, have yet been 
tempted by southern custom to snatch an hour firom theu* coimting houses 
to defame us in public meetings ; while the inmates of the grog-shops, believing 
the charges against us, and knowing us to be temperance men, are ever ready u* 
Kiob us at the signal of their more intelligent and more guilty leaders. 

And yet, adr, we are but uttering and enforcing the great doctrine of human 
rights, taught by the fathers of our republic True it is, we are now told that the 
assertion of this doctrine in the Declaration of Independence was but " a rheto- 
rical flourish." I will not stop to repel the slander, but with your permission I 
will embody in a r^olution, a sentiment uttered in 1785 by the first President of 
the first society ever formed for the abohtion of slavery— a sentiment, 1 trust, that 
will receive the assent, not merely of this assembly, but of every abolitionist in 
tho United States. I offer it as a contrast to the base treachery of our present 
politicians to the cause of human rights, and also as a tribute to the memory of 
ipy revered parent The resolution I propose is the following : 

Resolved, That this society cordially reiterates the vyish expressed in 1785, by 
John Jay, " that the time may soon come when all pur inhabitants of every 
coLOB and denomination, may be free and equal partakers of our pohtical liberty. 

On motion of Rev. Elon Galusha, pastor of the 
2d Baptist church in Rochester, 

Resolved, That slavery, as it easts in the United States, is repugnant to the 
ephit of the gosisel, and must cease before the millennium can come— therefore, 
it is the imperious duty of chrisuaiis, to Isiiot and pray its immediate and 
peaceable termiiiadon. 

He rose, he said, under all the embarrassmentB of a noviciate. He was hut 
little billed iti coiiducting this nughty moral contest; and should he, through 
vreakness, feil to iOuse the conscience, enlighten the head, 6r tnove the heart of 
hia auditors, he should 6tiU eqjoy the sweet sokce of having publicly a: vowed faia 
a?tapbroent to those imroutablis prindp les of rectitado which he did love and 
would cojitiouQ to love Car beyond his ability to-eluQidate or defend them. The 


first semitneat ia tlie resolction waa that Slavflry was in direct contradiction l& 
thu spint of the gospel ; and on this point there wcUd be no necessity of an 
elaborate argument. A single glance at the page of Scripture would set the 
trath of the position in the strongest and most convincing light. The two cys- 
tems were utterly hostile to each other. The one required its votaries " to do justly, 
to love mercy, and to walli humbly with God ;" while the other directly opposed 
and subverted each one of these requirementB. The one enjoined a sacred regard 
to the rights of all men ; but Slavery disannulled all rights, and authorized one 
man to trample with ruthless cruelty on the most sacred nnd inalienable rights 
of another. Slavery dubbed the master both pope and king. It placed upon 
his brow both the mitre and the crown, and made him a despotic lord over all 
the rights, civil, moral, and religious of his unhappy slave. The rights of perso- 
nal Ubei ty, of property, oi conscience, and of the pursuit of happiness were all 
inherent, immutable, and eternal. They were based on the nature of our being, 
and were the rich endowments of our Creator. But Slavery declared the whole 
of them to be absolute nonentities. It annihilated tlie indentity of the very being 
of the slave, and made him the mere appendage of his master. It took the ac* 
knowledgement of the deed which conveyed both the Boul and body in fee simple 
to his neighbor. It practised on the colored man a moral amputation. It de- 
truncated him, it decapitated, it dementated him, and it even disembowelled huii, 
disposing of his limbu, his muscles, and bis very heart, and every pulsation of it 
at the mere will and pleasure of his master. It required him to eat, dtink, and 
Bleep, that he might be able to labor for that master. It dtunanded that he 
should live, move, and have his bemg solely and entirely for the pleasure and 
profit of another. He would not affirm that this was what a humane elave- 
bolder actually did, but it was what slavery authorized Mm to do, and what too 
many ruthless slaveholders actually did. This was that " doing justly" which 
slavery dictated. It not only declared that a slave could neither acquire nor 
possess any property whatever, but it protected the hcentious master in plucking 
from his female slave the only remaining jewel of her sex's glory. And did she 
but lift her hand to repel the robber, she might be legally consigned to death. 
And as to rights of conscience, slavery allowed the master to shut out from the 
mental vision of his slave the broad light of heaven, and to make and to keep 
lus soul a perfect moral blank. Nay, it compelled him, whether he would or no^ 
to withhold from his benighted victim that golden lamp of heavenly truth which 
alone could show him the path to heaven. And as to social life ajid the pursuit- 
of happiness, it was not for hun to say whether the wife of his hoadm should 
continue for another day to be the solace of his earthly, cares ; whether his be-- 
loved babe should continue to hang on the maternal embrace, arid should grow 
up, under the eyes of its parents, their pride and hope. No ; for slavery came in 
with its tlfundering voice and crushmg arm, and m a moment shattered all the 
fabric of his little hopes and plans into atoms. Wa9 this the justice that the' 
Bible required man should do to his fellow man I , 

And to the second rule, of "loving mercy," he would only &sk whether 
skyery, as a system, knew of any mercy 1 No doubt there were many slave?' 
masters who were solicitous to restrain its utmost rigors; but had' die epiritiisad: 
genius of the system, as such, nny acquaintance with mercy 1 It 'wail^ aisd t4 
be merciful, because it took the guidance of those who were iDWiiq»t6at!<Qi|:uide, 


8ind gotcja theraselvca. But if its mercy was indeed from heaven, why not dia- 
jjense it equally, and epread it univd'eaHy'? Why not airest every improvident 
whits man, set him upon the blooki^and deliver him to the highest bidder that he 
might have heaven's mercy dealt out to Mm in the guidance and government of 
Ilia afeirsf Why noi dispense ihis ' mercy to some of the sons of slaveholders 
themselves; whoso condjict sedmcd to proclaim that they bad as much spare 
room in their upper story as Sny-bhck man on their father's estate?— Why not 
consign these young men to the mercies of slavery, turn them out on the planta- 
tion, and let them enjoy the bltS&d light of the sun, and the gentle and refreshing 
dewB of heaven, and let their food be dealt out to them, by measure and by tiftie 1 
The rule of God required men not merely to do mercy, but to love it frofti the 
heart To shew melcy as the Savior did, when he left his glory and came down 
ond groaned and died upon the cross. Was it to dispense to sjen such mercy as 
slavdiolde-s dispense to their slaves 1 

The third requirement of Heaven was that men should " walk humbly with 
their God." But was it humility to reply to the fiat of Jehovah wliich said to the 
slave " Thou art a hving soul," it is a mistake ; ho is but a chattel, a thing of 
trafficl ' God had said, "All souls are mine." Was it humble to reply : " There 
is error heie 5 that slave ia minel" God had expressly required us to l6ve bur 
Beighbor as ourselves. This was the broad, fundamental principle of every dis- 
pensation had given to men. It had been adopted into the New Testament 
C(t>de, and catii'>d even farther than before. But was it loving our neighbor to" 
destroy all his rights to compel him to toil for our benefit, to cast burning embers 
into his bosom, to float his eyes with anguish, to sunder all the tendereat ties of 
hi» heart, nay, to shut oat the very light of heaven from the dark moral prison- 
house of. his Boui, to withhold from him the means of expanding his deathless 
powers,— powers created to range through eternity 1 To doom his offspring to 
hopeless bondage, and to bid him bow down his body in«o the dust that we might 
trample upou it at will? Oh, auraly, the spint of slavery and the sphit of the 
gospel were.utter antipodes in the moral world. 

Again, did not the gospel enjoin the sacredness of the marriage tie, and had not 
God prohibited all .interference with those rights 1 Was it not the language of 
inspiration, " What God hath joined together let not man put asunder?" And 
■was it a compliance with' this requirement to set up a man's vrife (o sale before 
his eyes, to send her away where he should never behold her again, leaving her 
husband to Weep and howl in his solitary hut, haunted by the visions of his dear, 
long-loved, but departed companion? God required parents to bring up their 
children in the nuriure and admonition of the Lord. ' But slavery interdicted this 
mandate of high heaven. It took a man's child away from him, and consigned 
it to the will and control of another. Where was food to be found for the soul if 
not in the word Of God ? But slaVerJr denied that 6o much as a morsel of 
tins heavenly bread should be administered to a child by a paternal hand. And 
if the father, risking a disobedience to its cruel injunctions, should seek in the 
Bewesy of midnight, to teach the elements of saving truth to his little boy, by the 
dim light of his concealed torch, and the profligate son of his master, returning 
ftom uome iiudnight debanuh, sliould perceive a ray of light from the bumble 
dw^.Hng', and "should discover what was passing within, that Christiuii fsttheif 
Vas j^iM^ to be izistahtly aneated and \M away to condign pimishmcnt. ' 

The Suvlo? commanded that his gospel should bo proachad to all, but slavery 
set itself in opposition to this command, and forbada his messengers from ciecu'. 
ting their commission among those who most needed the solace of the Chrisuaii 
{^th and hope. It was said, indeed, that oral instruction was permitted to the 
6la7e by law. Yes; but h was at the option of his master, who could at plea- 
sure put an absolste veto jpf^n the light of heaven. 

It beittc: thus obvious mat slavery is in opposition to the whole spirit and tenor 
of the g-ospel, could it be believed, that such an institution was to flourish and 
prevail, amidst the brightness of the milleijial day. Surely in those halcyon 
times, xvhon the lion shall lie down Vvith the lamb, when the venomlese serpen! 
was to sport with the young child, and the weaned child was to play upon the 
hole of tho cockatrice's den, there would be no such sight in all God's holy moon-f 
iain as'a haughty and ferocious master frownmg on his slave. All pride, and 
usurpation, and oppression, and cruelty, would have fled away before the breath 
of peace and the smile of kindness; and was it not then the obvious duty of all 
Christian men both to pray &nd to labor for the removal of so great and mani- 
fest an obstacle jn the way of Emmanuel's glcry? 

Mr. G. said he was well aware that many men of consideration and stand-' 
ing, deemed that standing far too valuable to be jeopardized upon the altar of 
freedom. Tbey had listened to the cry of the mob, to thv> voice of proscription, 
•to the anathemas which had been cast on the best and most virtuous of men, 
They had witnessed the utter disregard of a well-earned reputation of forty ox 
fifty years of virtue and benevolence, and had seen our most estimabi? meit 
treated as things of nought to be reviled, and persecuted at pleasure; and they 
dreaded sharing the same fame. But, he asked, whose property was the Chris- 
tian's reputation ? To whom did it belong, and to whom had it been voluutarily 
consecrated? Had the Son of God proceeded on the principles of these men, 
had he deemed the standing he held in heaven too high and too precious to be 
abandoned for the work of our salvation, our race might have pined and withered 
in despair, and perished together in the second death. But Jesus acted far other- 
<V ' wise. He beheld the world of mankind under the dominion of the great slave- 
l holder. He panted for then* emancipation ; he determined to accomplish it ; and. 
leaving his palace in the ekies, he exchanged it for the manger, for the garden 
and the cross. And did men who profess to be his disciplea consider their repu- 
tation and standing as too precious to be put in jeopardy for the sake of a like 
enterprise, to be sacrificed in the cause of human freedom, in conveying the same 
grace which saved themselves to the poor heathen, in the midst of them 7 

In closing his address, Mr. G. observed, that if ever there was an emergency 
which called for bold, united, determined, unblushing, indomitable, persevering 
action, the present day exhibited such an emergency. The hberties of men were 
crushed, thel'ights of conscience denied, the lamp of heavenly truth proscribed 
and fqrbidden, and reproach and obloquy -cast on every effort of Christion bene- 
volence. The missionary enterprise itself was almost blasphemed by its advo- 
cates cpntintiing to hold twp millions of their fellow men in bondage. Chris- 
tians urere called to g^rii on their arms, to face their now unmaisked opponents, 
and to c(>ntend manfully for victory. They looked to Gtod for success, and God's, 
own matchless arm would assiyedly be made bare for the deliverance of the Cjs. 
pressed. Let Christian profesBora act t;ocording to their own faith. . Wfc;' < tbey 


Jsray, let thcsm labor, and loi effarts with prayer come up before God for a memo, 
ml" Then would Ho awake for thepoor and the needy, and pluck his right hand 
out of his bosom in the cause of those who were appointed to perish. When hia 
people rose up with one heart and with one soul to the help of the Lord, to the 
help of the; Lord ftgainst the mighty, then would the mighty tide of his divine in- 
flueaco swell and roll onward, with augmented power, till slavery's corse should 
be Bwept from off the face of the earth from pole to pole. 

Rev; S. L. PoMEBOY, of Bangor, (Me.,) eaid that he had been requested to offer 
ft resolution, and he should do bo. But he d jubtcd whether he ought to say a 
Binglo word after what had been said and was yet to be said on this occasion. 
He should be very brieE It had been expected by many that in t! b course of six 
months this eocieJy would dieband itself, tear up its constitution and proclaim to 
all men that its members were now convinced they had, as some men say, got 
into a wroHb paw. This had been most confidently predicted. When the earth- 
quake, which commenced in Virginia and shook all the south, came rolling and 
thundering untik it reached the state of Mt ue, where he resided, away off east, 
it was immediately prophesied that it would dissolve all the abolition societies 
very speedily; that the abolitionists woidd get upon their knees, wodd humbly 
pardon and assure their opponents they had not meant any mischief, But 
sow he had come to New-York, and found a meeting of the abolition pwjcip'r 
and its preadent, and its executive committee, some of whom he hid feared «u 
should never meet again in this world, all alive and well, with not a limb brokeOj 
nor any other bodily bjury that he could perceive, He now proposed the follow* 
ing resolution, 

J?woteeAThat thejWends of the Anterioan Anti-Slavery Society are not yet 
convinced mat its doctrines are false, or that it ought lo be abandoned; but, on 
the contrary, they are, if possible, more determined than ever, by the help of Godj 
to persevere in their great and eood work, imlil the grand object of their associa- 
tion shall have been accompllEfied. 

He said that some men wisheii very much to know why the abolitionists were 
80 alubbom T why after auch decided expressions of opinion had been givtn by 
so many wise and distinguished men, so many great men and Hmall men and all 
Borts of men, that the ebolitionists were wrong, their doctrines wrong, and their 
measures bloody and horrible; these men should nevertheless still go onl He 
would endeavor briefly to answer the inquiry. They had many reasons for it. 
And one was, that these beings, these creatures for whose good they continued 
to labor and pray, were men. Some migbt wonder at his laying down this as a 
reason^ and ask,' who ever doubted or denied that slaves were meTi? But it was 
a fkct that some men did both doubt and deny it, Some maintained that they 
belonged to toother race. One ciass of opponents denied outright that they were 
human creatures; while another thought that they were almost meni that they 
came but a littlo short of it, yet that they were not quite nien ; while others again 
remained in doubt vfon the point, thinking that perhaps they might, afld perhaps 
they might not bo nta. Ivow he should not go into any labored argument (6 
Eetde thit point But the abolitibnista believed and held them to be men, <5i^ea- 
ted in the image of God, and with all th6 attributes and properties of meq, naving 
the form, the stature, the reason, U»e memory^ and the fitmscience o{is*ia. They 
!>elicvcd tliaf these bemgs could writtj^on philosophy, could make ]<W8 andmakd 
|toetryt ^ iciatTuct, and zeason, and draw concite^atu^; and do all th&t o\h& 


mea can tio 5 and that they had done it. Yes, abolitionists held that (slaves Afrers 

" How poor, how rich, how abjecf, how augusi, 

How complicate, how wonderfr.l is man I 

How passing wonder, he who made him such, 

'v'v'ho centred in our make such strange extremes t 

From different natures marvellously mix'd, 

Connexion exquisite of distant worlds; 

Distinguished link in being's endless chain, 

Midway from nothing to the Deity. 

A beam ethereal, sullied and absorp't, 

Though sullied and dishonored, still divine ! 

Dim minature of greatness absolute ! 

An heir of glory ! a frail child of dust ! 

Helpless immcrtal ! insect infinite I 

A worm ! a god I I tremble at myeelfi 

And in myself am lost. At home a stranger 

Thought wanders up and down, surprised, aghast. 

And wondering at her own. How. reison reels ! 

O what a miracle to man is man, " 

Triumphantly diatress'd! what joy, what dread ! 

Alteruetely transported and alarmed ! 

What can preserve my life*? or what destroy? 

An aingel's arm can't snatch me from the grave; 

Legions of angels can't confine me there." 
ThiSj -eaid Mr. P. is man — our brother man, be he of what color, of what climax 
of what language, of what nation he may ; and we are required to lave our neigh- 
bor as ourselves : not our nei^^ibor of one color, nor of one climate, nOf tonguey 
nor shape, but our neighbor who ic 0 man? and we are authorized to fsclan inte- 
rest both in his temporal and eternal welfare. And because we hold the abject, 
the degraded, the down-trodden, the bleeding children of Africa to be men, there- 
fore it is that we persevere in our efforts for their deliverance. 

Another reason is, that they are not only men, but American men, our coun* 
trymen. And I suppose we are bound to feel a deeper interest in our own family,' 
and fire-side, and country, thpn for those that are afar off. Here we are prima- 
rily bound J because the peculiar relations we sustain bind ub. We of Ameaicft, 
form but one great family, a family of butnan beings, whatever be oor color of 
othbr distinction, and as such we arc bound to seek each other's happing taii* 
poral and eternal. 

. Another reason is, that these men, these American men, < ai» immortal raen« 
1 beg that it may never be forgotten that the grand merits of this whoJflAbo^ 
lition question, turn upon the doctrine of the soul's immortality. Take^avyay 
that and I will be silent ; you inake men brutes. But allow them iipmorta! 
souls, and what then,'? Then they have the same interests in eternity as ,we 
ourselves. Then they live under the same condemnation, are plunged in the 
6ame apostasy, need the 'same Savior, ahd requne the «sme hopes, motivca and 
cojlsolatiohfe with -us all. And if we are bound to <feel for-OT6ry immortal mfcri, 
in other lands, even the 'most distant, on the opposito fiido df the world, much 




more ate we bound to those who are in our own bordere. And believing 'ha-j 
thesb, our immortal fellowmcn, are held in a cruel bondage and most wicked, 
ly oppressed, we are resolved to persevere till every shackle shall be 
Btrickeu from their limbs, and they shall enjoy the rightsthat pertain to them 
as immortal men, and shall bo at liberty to pursue, without hindrance, the 
ijreat interests of their deathless souls. 

But we have another reason. Sotne of theffe men, American men, thesof 
American immortal men^ are also Christian men. And shall we be told 
that is a reason why their rights may be trampled upon, and that they are 
better off than freemen 7 f'orgive me, I cannot hold such an opinion. Om 
the contrary, I hold thisS|>cTy fact to be the strongest of all arguments, and 
the best of all reasons for their immediate emancipation. Wo have been 
told that in South Carolina, and we are told it by one who preaches to them, 
and I hope preaches the truth of the gospe! and who ought to know al| 
about the matter, and eays he does, that there are not less than forty-five 
thousand reputable professors of leligron, who are there held in bondage^ 
Yet the same man tells us that it wilt never do to turn {hem loose for fear 
they should turn round jand cut their masters' throats^ Thousands of repu- 
table professors of th^ religion of Christ, believed to be Christians, and ad- 
mitted to the communion table as Christian^B, and yet it will not do to set 
thsm free, because they wonld immediatoly murder tbair masters. Why,, 
sir, what age of the world do we live in 1 What ! are we to stand otupidly 
like blocks and stoiies, and behold thousands and tens of thousands of hu- 
ntan beings with' eouls and minds like our own, kindled Lythesame iay 
irom heaven,! and Wakening to the same world of light and blessedness,, de- 
prived of every i^^ht, and yet have all out sympathies locked up- and frozen ? 
and let them liv^ and die in their bondage and say, we cannot help it ? la 
thisthe love of the Christian for hie Christian brethren? No; the very 
atgument that is brought for slavery, is the very reason why we shall con- 
tinue to labor, and pray day and night, and never case or give over till theif 
shackles fall. Ought they not, and might they not be set free this moment ? 

I have ono other reason : these men^ our countrymen, immortals, and 
Christians, ard most wickedly deprived of all those rights, intellectual, 
moral, and , civil, which God has given to man. They are oppressed, and 
BhallDot rooa syrapathtze with the oppressed? Let a gang of rude «tnd 
cruel men tneitt a child in one of our streets, and strike him, and abuse him, 
and repeat thftir blows, ''' f to his entreaties and his tears, and where, I ask, 
are our Bytnp^thies ? iiX3 they with the men who abuse biro ; No ; they 
are iVitb tlje oppreseed and abused child. Let suffermg humanity be pre* 
sented to ariy men on the face of the globe, an^ their sympathies will inva. 
rifely go to the oppressed, and not to the oppressor^ We may indeed pity 
the men who can do so wickedly^but oar sympathies are ever with the victimsi 
I have one reason. more; anditiatbis. We are ashamed of our coun- 
try. : ^ The blukih ie on ou£ eheek. We cannot stand np before the world 


. like men. We feel nshamed. A nation so favored of heaven, so blessed 
i above all men, so privileged with rights and institutions, and all the bless- 
; ings of freedom, a nation which has written it on the heavens that ail men 
are born free and equal, and have an equal right to life, liberty, and the pur- 
i suit of happiness, is, at this moment, standing on the necks of more than 
two millions of its own citizens. Now wo are republicans, and boast of the 
doctrines of freedom. How then shall we stand up and not blush, and hang 
our heads, when every finger of ihe civilized; world is pointed at us ; when 
every European vessel that comes to our shores, comes fraught with curses 
on our heads ; and justly ; when all her literature is against us ; when our 
own conscience is against us ; and God's bible is against us ; when we have 
heaven against us ; and know that all wo value on earth, is against us too, 
how can we help being ashamed ? Yes, sir, there is the blush of Shame 
on the cheek of this nation ; but it is our fixed purpose to pers-svere tiil that 
blush shall retire, and the national countenance shall be seen to look forth, 
fair as the morning enlightening the nations of earth. 

These, Mr. President, are the reasons, why we abolitionists mean to bold 
on, and not to give up our cause. As for all the clamor, and violence, and 
threats, which our cause has called forth, ihey only convince us, that we 
have hit the nail upon the he&d ', that we have got hold of the truthi and 
faavfi put it in the right place, and at the right time.. So far from admitting 
that we are wrong, theise are the very things that prove to as that we are 
right ; and if we are not encountered by a gag law, if the press is not ranS' 
2led, and the right of speech is allowed us, the truth will go far and wi(Je,' 
its power will be felt throughout the land, and slavery will die. But now 
the grand question is, shall we ourselves remain free 1 Shall the right of 
discussion be continued to us 7 Give us that, and we have the v/hole ; and 
again I say, slavery will die. I will only add we are confidently expectmg 
that the grand movement which has already been begun, will continue to 
roll cn, and roll on, till presetitiy, yes, sir, presently multitudes shall wake 
up as from a trance, and find to their surprise, that slavery is dead, root and 

Let mammon hold while mammon can. 
The bones and blood of living man ; 
Let tyrants scorn while tyrants darisi ' ' ■ 
The shrieks and writhings 0^" de8paiy!;^V^'^% 
The end will come, it will not wait,*" , 
■ Bonds, yokes and scourges have their c(ate. ".:i , ; 
Slavery itself must pass away, ' d: cr. • ' > 

And be a tsle of yesterday, . 

Gerrit Smith, Esq. olFered the foilomiigres f)lutioii; 

Resolved, That notwithstanding the often-repeated declaration, itm the Nor- 
thern Slates have nothing to do with slavery ; it is nevertheless true, that con- 
siderations of religion, humanity and national policy require them both to te in- 
terested in that subject, and to act upon it. 


I have not risen, Mr. President, to surprise you v/ith original thoughts and specu- 
lations; but to attempt to dispose of a standing objection to our cause by a train 
of arguments with which you we perfectly familiar ; but which some persons 
presentj and some persons who will read the report of the proceedings of this 
meeting, may not have duly considered. 

I need not consume my time to show, that a system, which denies to millions 
of men the Bible and the marriage institution, and ihe right of holding properly, 
and turns them into cattle— into mere merchandize and chatties— and, in effect, 
provides legal impunity for all offtnces, which their oppressors may commit 
flgainat them, not even murder excepted ;— I say, I need not consume any time 
to shw, that such a system is wicked, awfully wicked. If it be not wicked— if 
a eyatem, which directly and indirectly, violates nearly or quite all the command- 
ments in the decalogue, be not wicked, then we know not what is. 

I am happy to admit, that the administration of the system is not so bad as 
the system itself. It is honorable to human nature, that, when a peculiarly atro- 
cious and wicked system is devised for a community, that community is not al- 
ways willing to carry it entirely out. 

Great and glaring, however, as is the wickedness of Soutkern slavery, we are, 
nevertheless, continually nriet with the remonstrance, that the North has potHing 
to do with it. How frequently is it asserted, not only at the South, but at th6 
North, that the North has nothing to do with the subject of Southern ela'very'. 
But, why has the North nothing to do with it 1 Because, say the objectors : " you 
havB miserable objects enough about you all over the free States— on which to 
i^xeroise your compassions ; and, because it is useless and quixotic to let yourayni* 
imtlues trttvel off hundreds and thousands of miles in quest of objects of vfretch- 

But, are all consistent with themselves, who hold this language 1 Did none 
of them allow themselves to feel, when the poor Gr-'.ek sent out his loud cry over 
the civilized world for help to break ofT the Turkish yoke 1 Did none of them 
contribute to swell the large stream of honorable liberality, which America then 
jHiured out on suffering Greece 1 a stream which supplied the naked with cloth- 
ing, and the hungry with food. Did none of them remember the oppressed Pol^ 
and joui with their countrymen in ministering to his relief? Did none of them 
sympethize with the inhabitants of the Cape De Verd Islands, when, a few years 
ago, they were reduced to famine, and American charity sent them ship loads of 
foodi And yet ihe Greeks, and the Poles, and the Cope De Verd Islands, are thou- 
sands of miicB off. . 

But, again, do none of those, who object to our suffering our compassions to 
stray so far as into the Southern States, aid in the Foreign Missionary enter- 
piisel Are none of tl^em enlisted in the blessed work of lifting up the \vretched 
Hindoo and Burman, dnd Sandwich Islander out of their deep degradation ; and 
of turniag them from their idols to serve ihs living God. Btit, how much more 
remote are these objects of their charity than are the Southern slaves! 

The great distance of the slaves frotn us cannot then be the real objection 
to our interesting our hearts in their condition : for such an objection is never 
raised to our sympathizing with those who arefar more remotefrom us. Besides, if 
the ohjection wete put forth in eemest, ihete would be nd force in it with the 
cbmtian mind. If the Savior bid us go into aU the world with the blessiagi 


and benefits of the gospel, then it is manifestly our duty to lei oar sympathies as wide a range. And when He bids ub love our neighbor as ourstlees, He 
bIso gives us the large and gospel definition of the word "neighbor;" and makes 
it include every fellow being, to whom we can do good. And what man, I ask, 
is so remote from us, and so disconnected with us, that we cannot do him good 
— if not in person, yet in the benevolent purposes of our hearts — or, at least, in 
our prayers 7 I am aware, that, when we look out upon the mutual alienation 
and estrangement of the members of tlip !;iiman family, it is not always easy to 
conceive, that God intended them ail to be "neighbors" to each other, in this 
highest, best sense of the word. But we must remember, that this alienation 
and estrangement are the fniit of sin } and, that it is sin which, in respect to this 
countless multitwde, has, in the words of the poet, made "enemies of those, who 
else like kindred dn pa, had mingled into one." 

But, there is another objection to our sympathy with the Southern slaves. We 
are united by a political compact' with the states in which these slaves mostly 
dwell ; and this compact, it is said, forbids our meddling with the subject of slavery. 
Now, we deny that it does so. We have just the same right to exert a moral 
power agattist slavery, which we had before the adoption of the Federal Consti- 
tution, and the formation of the Federal Government The fact, that the Con- 
stitution does not clothe us with political power to abolish slavery is no more a 
reiason why we may not exert a moral power to this end, than is the silence of 
that instrumeflt respecting intemperance, a reason why W3 may not labor, by 
moral suasion, to suppress that vice. ; 

The liberty for one state to employ political power against the institic- 
tion of slavery in another did not exist before, nor has it existed sinde, the 
formation of the Federal Govomment. To attempc so to employ now 
would be the most unwarrantable interference. Such interference the nbo- 
litioniste have not attempted ; do not now attempt ; and utterly disctainrj their 
right to : and all, therefore, that is said to the contrary, come it from high 
places or low — from governors and legislatures — or from the ignorant and 
vile — is utterly false and slanderous. 

There are some persons, who, in their great anxiety to make the right of 
Southern slaveholding unquestionable, trace this right to the Federal Con. 
stitution. Mr. Calhoun and other Southern statesmen , who have his views 
of the doctrine of state sovereignty, are too discerning to feel indebted to 
these persons. These statesmen will not admit that the authority of the 
Federal Government was necessary either to create or sscuro this right. 
For, in admitting this much, they would impliedly admit, that the Federal 
Governmem has still some power over this right; some power to revoie per- 
haps, as wsll as to confirm it. These statesmen will continue, and justly too, to 
look far back of the FederarGovemment for their right to hold slaves. This 
tight theold slave states had perfectly, in a political point of view, before that 
government was created ; and they have it still : and the new slave states claim, 
as confidently as the old, the derivation of this right from state sovereignty. 

But to return to my denial, that the Constitution of our common eovtntry 
restrains the exertion of moral influence on this subject. It does not restrain 


It It attc-;nptsno such hindranco of the esercise of our natural rights, and 
of the porformanco of their correlative duties. And, if it did ; if it did at- 
tempt 10 limit our sympathies for our fellow men by state lines ; and to pre- 
scribe for whoso welfare we might employ the spirit of prayer, and the lips, 
and pen of persuasion, and for whose not : if it were guilty of this wicked 
violation of God's plan, and of this daring usurpation of God's power^ — who 
that has the heart of a man and of a Christian, would respect such an instru- 
ment'? But, thanks to God and to the wise and good men who framed this 
ConBtitution, it offers no obstacles tQ the work of the abolitionists, but se- 
cures to them just what they need, and, with the blessing of Heaven, all that 
they need, to make that work successful — that is, freedom of speech and of 
the press. 

But when we have shown the fallacy of these objections, our opponents 
are, perhaps, honest enough to tell us another objection they have to our in- 
teresting ourselves and others in the subject of Southern slavery. It is this 
—the slaves are black, and, moreover, they are slaves ; and. they are, there- 
fore, unworthy of our concern. This is it : because the Southern slave ia 
degraded by the wrongs heaped upon him, in making and continuing him a 
slave ; and because degrading associations have long clustered around his 
eable conjplezioQ, on account of the enslavement of Africans for centuries; 
and, so far as Christian nations have had a part ia it, of Africans only ; be- 
canse of this, it is, that we may not care for him. But admit, if you please, 
the vilenesB of the slave — even all that is imputed to him : and, if you pletise, 
{ay the blame or all this vilenessto himself, instead of his oppressor : and 
what then ? shall we cast him away, and exclude him from the pale of our 
sympathies 1 No— oh no ! for he is still a man — a brother man—mads in 
God's image — and the blood of Calvary shed for his redemption. — " God 
made of one blood all the nations that dwell on all the face of the earth." 
We cannot bear true love to God, so long as we despise His image in man 
•—so long as we lum our backs on the roeaneet, humblest man. Indeed, it 
is such a man, who is, in an important sense, by our Savior's own declara. 
tion, his representative on the earth ; and inasmuch as we show mercy or 
cruelty to this least one, so do we show mercy or cruelty to Christ himself. 

One object of the Divine miiid, in appointing the great diversifies in human 
condition, was, no doubt, to furnish another test of this love to God, and another 
occasion for its exercise and development. It is easy for us to love thoise whose 
persons and characters and circumstances are all suited to win du. love. But 
this is not enough. God requires that our hearts go out to our fellow man even 
when he presents himself to us in a character and in curcumstances the most 
loalhsoime and repulsive. When, for instance, we witness the disgusting spec- 
tacle of the reeling, blaspheming drunkard, we are to remember the dignity of 
his immortal nature : our compassion is to overcome our disgust : we are to love 
him and do hitn good .• not to shrink from taking him by the hand, and minis- 
tering to him advice and consolation : nor from taxing our self denial for his 
Bake— even though it should bo to the giving up cf our glass of wine, and, thus 


far, of our fashionableness. . So when we look upon the poor slave — degradeclj 
down-trodden, and brutified as he is, we are slill to see in him our fellow man-^ 
one who is entitled to our sympathies, our prayers, and our beneficence. This is 
our doctrine, and it is in harmony with God's plan ; that wherever there is a 
man, be he vile or honorable, bond or frecj black, or white, there ia a being with 
claim? an our fraternal regard, which we must not disown, but to which we must 
be i:ronipt to respond. Besides, such are the fluctuations of life, and of such pre- 
carious tenure are its riches and honors, and blessings, that even those of us who 
are now the greatest favorites of providence, and whoso allotments arr now the 
happiest, are personally interested to have this doctrine of the inalienable and 
indestructible dignity of man maintained. 

There is another objection, taken to our caring for the Southern slave. It is 
said, that the South will vrithdraw her trade from the North, and cease to con- 
tribute to our enrichment, unless v/e check our sympathy for her slaves. We 
reply, that although not insensible to the gain of dollars and cents, godliness is 
far greater gam > and that the doing of God's will is more gainful than is any 
disobedience of it, to which avarice may tempt us. 

Another objection is— if the north persists in manifesting an interest in the 
southern slaves, the south will not give her votes to northern candidates for 
political offices. Our reply is, that much as it might please us to see our next 
President and Vice President taken fiom the north, and to have the south vote 
for our Van Buren, or Webster, or Harrieon, or Granger — still, if we can be gra- 
tified—if we can get southern votes at no less expense than by hardening our 
hearts against the poor slave, and by ceasing to obey God, and to speak for the 
dumb, and to plead the cause of the needy— then let southern men only fill our 
highest offices. No commercial — no political gain would justify us in God's 
eight, or in our own pight, for the gross inhumanity of dehberately turning our 
backs on more than two millions of oiu- fellow men j and leaving them, for aught 
of our concern in their behalf, to suffer whatever of wrong and outragto might be 
devised against them. 

Another objection to our efforts for abolishing slavery ia, that they make the 
condition of the slave worse than it was before. As Pharaoh, the more he was 
admonished to let them go, hardened his heart the more against his slaves, so it 
is not improbable that such of the southern slaveholders, as have the Pharaoh 
spirit (I am far from charging this spirit upon them all) are increasing in their 
severity towards then- slaves. If they are, it is their own sm, and God will judge 
them for it, imless they repent. 

There is another objection to our cherishing an interest in the southern slaves. 
It is in the form of an inquiry. What will that interest effect 1 What good will 
it do 7 I answer, that good is done, if we do but remember them, and give them 
a place in our minds. Said Paul, whilst in chains at Rome, to them, who were 
as far from him as the slaves are from us : " Remember ray bonds." And, if that 
great apostle, with all his resource of alleviation and comfort in his cultivated 
mind and heaven-stored heart, still felt the need under the grievousness of hie 
chains, that his brethren should remember his tiials and sympathise with him—' 
how much more does the poor enslaved negrff'stand in need of our remembrance 
and sympathy 1 Said the same apostle : " Remember them ihat are in bonds as 
bound with them." This remembrance, to be most profitable, must, doubtless, 


bo apiouB^nd prayerful Temeinbrance;— and when this is its character, it does not 
foil of bang profitable. When the hundreds of thousands of chtisdans at the north 
have measured and dwt It upon the woes of the southern f laves, unt 1 they are " as 
bound wi<h them i" and when, day and night they shall be teUing of those woes 
in the ear of Grod %vhen this has come to pass, it be still found that the north 
cauido nothing towards abolishing slavery, then will vie admit that we haVe 
overrated the power of prayer, and that the Lord's ear has become heavy, that 
he cannot hear. 

Another bensfit which will result from our taking an interest Aa southern 
filavery, and acquiring an understanding of its character, is that ' e shall thence 
be both disposed and quaUfied to set the truth in relaiijn to it before our southern 

But, it is Baid, that the south is so determined to cling to slavery, that she will 
not bo moved by any, even the most vivid, and powerful, and melting exhibitions 
of the tmth respecting it. I think better of the south than to believe this. I think 
hetter of human nature than to believe it. Man is made to be moved by the 
truth. His conscience, his hand, his heart, his whole moral consiituiion, are 
tnade to respond to the truth ; and the principal reason why the conouoste of 
truth are so^slow in this world, is, that the friends of truth are not niore laithfiil 
to hold it up patiently, perseveringly, fully. Now, on the subject of slavery, the 
■South bs8 not only {idled, and dsbased, and hardened herself with falsehood, hut 
the NortJh has sanctioned atid given efficacy to that falsehood. Until recently, 
Dur northern press and literature, if they have not positiviely favored ifllaveryj 
liavej-at least, winked at its abominations. But, within the last two or three 
^ears, muny northern pens have been employed to spread oul the truth on this 
iBubject, before 'southern eyes, and upon southern consciences; and the effect 
already, is as if the sleep of death 'were breaking up. Let this pouring in of the 
light he continued. As sure as man was made by God, and was, therefore, made 
to answtr to the truth, this light will have its blessed effect Hi>herto, when our 
southern brethren have come to the north, they have met with about as little 
sense of the wickedness of slavery as they left behind them.— Henceforth let it 
be different. -Let them wimess our strong abhorrence of it, and let there be no* 
thing from our lips or m our practices to soothe their consciences. Efpecially 
let them ^aee us treating the colored man, as a man. Let them see us treating 
him, not according to the hue of his skin, but according to his intellectual and 
moraiworth. Let us, in a word, hold up the truth to them, and not connive «t 
theu: delusions. In all ways in which the north can bear her testimony against 
slavery, she can do good; and these ways are n jmbeirless. 

Another reason for our interesting ourselves on tho subject of Bottthem 
slavery is, that, until this slavery ceases — this enslaving of a man simply 
because he has African blood in his veins — the free colored population of 
this country will not be able to exchange their present debasing mockery 
of freedom, for freedom itself. The free colored man in our coimtry .is, 
hccatfse of the color which bis God gave hiii), an outcast' from the public 
respect'fioid sympathy ; and, by the laws of some of; states, he. is liable, 
simply because of that color, to be arrested and solct intO' perpetual slavery. 
A citizen of Coimecticut, visiting South C&rolina, is in danger, on the bare 


biispicion of his having African blood in his v^ins, of losinj, his libertj' f(Jr 
tver. Nor arc the laws which authorize this outrage on human rights, a 
liead letter. There is found to be cruehy enough to enforce as well as to 
enact them. Whilst millions of men in this nation continue to be enslaved 
because of their color, it io not to be wondered at, if others who are so un- 
happy as to have that color, are, and remain; depressed in their character 
and condition. If, for instance, all persons in the Southern states bom with 
red hair, were, because of the color of their hair, to be enslated, (and this 
would be no more absurd than is the Enslaving of men for the rolor of their 
skin,) what a calaniity it would justly bo deemed to be bom evdn in the 
Northern states with such hair ! If the sentiment of the South were, that 
men of red Hair were fit only to be slaves, how natural that a siniilar aeati- 
ment should exist at the North also ! and how crushmg would be the pre- 
valence of this abominable sentiment upon persons of such halt amongst 
Qurselves ! 

Another reason Why we should interest ourselves to procure the abolition 
of slavery, is, (to say nothiiig of our liabilities in the case of a servile insur- 
rection,) that, so long as it exists, and the provision in the federal Conati ra- 
tion, respecting the restoration of fugitives held to labor, remains — ac*. i 
see not how it can be dispensed with — so long will the people of the free 
states i»e under a solemn, (I do not say paramount,) but nevertheless a 
solemn obligation to perform acts in the face of their conficicnoefe, smd 
humanity, and religion. 

Another reason why we must interest our ininds in the Southern slavery, 
and " cry aloud" concernmg this giant wickedness, is, that f uture emigrants 
from the Norib to the South may entertain such a just sense of the systetos 
that they will not be guilty, like their predecessors, of contributing to 
uphold it. 

I perceive, sir, that the portion of your> time I was expected to occupy is 
nearly spent, and I will detain you with but one more reason why we must 
oppose Southern slavery. We must oppose it in self-defence ; for if it be 
not overthrown, and speedily too, it will supplant the liberty of the North. 
The antagonist principles of liberty and slavery cannot be peaceable neigh- 
bors. The one will be makmg aggressions on the other : and, unless the 
pure, and peaceable, and merciful principles of the Abolitionists Soon over^ 
spread the South, the odious doctrines inculcated by Governor McDaffie, 
Senator Leigh, Mr. Pickens, and other Southern statesmen, will have ob- 
- tained at the North, and effectually prepared the way for reducing Northern 
laborers to a herd of slavesi 

For some centuries, Christian nations have been enslaving xheti because 
of tho dark complexion which God gave them. Let not the whites flatter 
themselves that this will long contmne to bo tlie ground of enslavement. 
The world is fast coming to see, and to revolt at its absnrdity. Even 
Southern statesmen are ceasing to justify the enslavmg of men for tbsir 


color ; and, instead thereof, they nro now contending for the enslavement 
of the laboring classes, irrespective of compiezion. They have the effron. 
tery to recommend to the aristocrats of the North to put the yoke of ela. 
very oa the necks of our farmers and mechanics. Nor have I any better 
ojiinioD. of those purse-proud and haughty men amongst us, who are display, 
ing their pro-slavery spirit, than to believe that they would welcome the 
conversion of our independent Northern laborers into abject slaves. The 
time 18 already at hand, sir, when, unless the yeomanry of the North har- 
ness themaelves for the great battle we are called to fight against slavery, 
they will witness mighty eflbrts to bring themselves under the same yoke 
with the laborers of the South, It is a manifest doctrine of slavery, that 
labor becomes the slave only. Closely connected with this, is the doctrine 
that the laborer is fit only to be a slave. 

To conclude, sir, after this long trespass on your patience: — let me say, 
that we have fallen upon strange limes. 

Two hundred years ago, our fathers began to build oii those shores an 
asylum for the oppressed and persecuted nricnds of liberty. This beautiful 
aud blessed work of their prayers, and courage, and sacrifices, has come 
down to their sons of this age, challenging their admiration, and love, and 
protection. But they are degenerate sons ; and, instead of prizing, and 
preserving, and laboring to perpetuate this glorious work, their parricidal 
and vandal hands arc busy in marring and destroying it. It may emphati. 
cally be said of liberty, in the Savior's words, that her «' enemies are they 
of her own household.*' She is stricken down and bleeding in her own 
temple—*' in the house of her frierids." To speak literally, and as truly as 
literally, there is no part of the world where liberty has so injurious and • 
dangerous enemies as are to be found in every part of our own country ; 
and, what makes her eneE::o£ here the more to be dreaded, is, that they 
are in the guise of her most devpted friends. It is easier and stifer, sir, to 
proclaim her principles in any other part of the world— even amidst the 
most rigorous despotisms of the Eastern continent — ^than in a large portion 
of our own country. In one half of this nation, we cannot, but at the im- 
mineat peril of our lives, attempt to publish that great fundamental truth, 

that ail men are created free and equal." And even in the other half, 
there is a seHed public opinion, frequently backed by violence, against the 
promulgation of it. 

Whaf.a sad change in the last fifly years ! Had there been, fifty years 
ago, a condition of residence imposed upon the emigrant to our country, and 
on the traveller also a condition for the privilege of travelling from one part 
of it to; another — ^it would, probably, have been that the new resident and 
the traveller be ever faithful to maintain the great prmciplee of liberty.— 
Bnt wero a condition to be imposed now in similar cases, it would probably 
be that the new resident and that the traveller observe perfect silence — the 
fiilence of the grave — respecting those principles : or, even '^vorse, that thoy 


ridicule and revile them, and improve every opportunity to bring them into 

The spirit of true liberty, sir, and, by this, I mean, a just regard for the 
sacred rights of man, of whatever clime or complexion — had well nigh 
fled from us. Let us be thankful that, whilst the multitude, including, I 
must confess, my humble self, were yet asleep to our danger, you and 
a few others, whose names will never perish from the remembrance of the 
friends of liberty and humanity, awoke to it. It may not be too late for the 
toils of the philanthropist and the prayers of the Christian, to recal that 
spirit in all the power with which it animated our virtuous ancestors. Let 
us not cease from these toils and prayers, until liberty shall have regained 
hor place in the hearts of our countrymen, or until our efforts are stayed, 
and our voices stilled, and our hopes quenched, in the final and fatal tri- 
umphs of slavery. 

Alvan Stewart, Esq., of Utica, begged leave, 
v»^hich was granted, to relate a single anecdote. 

In Georgia, said Mr. S., about three years ago, there hved a man, black but 
noble, a giant in strength, and in form an Apollo Belvidcre, about 35 years of 
age, a slave, vrith si vrSc and four children, also slaves. The love of liberty bunied 
irrepressible in his bosom, and he detcrmmcd to escape, and free his wife and 
children at all hazard. He had-heard of Canada, as a place where the laws made 
every man free, and protected him in bis freedom. But of its situation, or the 
road thither, or the geography of the intermediate country, he knew nothing. A 
Quaker who resided neix him, being privy to his design, resolved to aid him in its 
accomplishment ; and accordingly carried the slave and liis family fifty miles in 
a wagon by night. In the day time they lay concealed in the woods, and on the 
second night the same man carried them ; "ty miles further. At the end of the 
second night, he told the black man that h luld do no more for him, having 
alreadi^ endangered both his life and property. He told the slave that he must 
not trqivel on llie highway, nor attempt to cross a ferry, but, takuig him by the 
hand, he committed him to Gk>d and the north star. This star he was to take as 
his gnide, and it would leud- him at length to the land of Bridsh freedom. The 
poor slave ha;Je adieu to his benefactor, and after skulking ui the day and travel- 
ling by niglitj he at length ciime to an unexpected obstacle. It was a broad 
river,- (the Savannah) of whose existence he had not the least knowledge. 
But as nothing remained but to cross it, he tied his two young children on his 
back, and between swimming where it was deep, and wading where it was shal- 
low, his two elder sons swimming by his side, he at length mode out to reach the 
opposite bank ; then returning, he brought over his wife in the same manner. In 
this way he passed undiscovered through the states of South and North Caro- 
lina and Virginia, crossed Pennsylvania without even knowing that it was the 
land of the Quakers; and finally, after six weeks of toil and hardship, he reached 
Buffalo. Hero ho placed his wife and cliildren in the custody of a tribe of Indians 
in the neighbourhood, for the poor man will always be the poor mnn's friend, 
and the oppressed will stand by the oppressed. The man proceeded to town, 
snd ?.s he was passing through the streets, he attracted the notice of a colored 


barber, also a man of great bodily power. The bafjcr stepped up to him, put hia 
hand on hia shoulder, and said, "I know you are a lunaway slave) but never fear, 
{ am your friend." The .aan confessed he was from Geor^a, ■R-hen the barber 
said, "Tour master innuired about you to-day, in my shop, but do not fear, I 
have a friend who keeps a livery stable, and will give us a carriage as soon as 
pight comas, to carry your family bevcnd the reach of a master." 

As the ferry beat does not rua across the Niagara river in the night, by day 
break they were at the ferryhouse, and rdlied the ferryman to carry them to 
the Canada shore. They hastened to the boat, and just as they were about to 
let go, the master was seen, on his foaming horse, with pistol in hand, calling out 
to the ferryman to stop and set those people ashore or ho would blow his brains 
out. The stout barber, quick as thought, said to the ferryman, " If you don't put 
off this instant, I'll be the death of you." The ferryman, thus tUieatened on bf>*h 
tddee, lifted up bis hands, apd cried, " The Lord have meycy on me ! It seen.^ i 
am to be killed any how ; but if I do die, I will die doing right," and CUT THE 

The powerful cunent of the Niagara swept the boat rapidly into deep water, 
iieyoud the reach of tyranny. The workmen at work on the steamboat Henry 
Clay, near by, almost involuntarily gave three cheers for liberty. As the boat 
darted into the deep and rapid stream, tlie people on the Canada side, who had 
peers the occurrence, cheered her course, and in a few moments the broad current 
was passed, and the man with his wife and children, were all safe on British soil^ 
protected by British laws 11 


In the absCixce of the President, Rev. Beriah 
Green, one of the Vice Presidents, took the chair, 
at 4 o'clock P.M., and James F. Robinson of Nev^^- 
York, Henry B. Stanton of Ohio, Orson S. Murray 
pf Vermont, and Lewis C. Gunn of Pennsylvania, 
were appointed Assistant Secretaries. Prayer w^as 
offered by Bev. Nathaniel Colver- 

The following gentlemen were then enrolled as 
delegates from aiqciii^ry societies, or took their 
^eats as members, 



^nU Socieh/,— Joseph C. Lovejoy, Oldtown; S. L. Pomsroy, Bangor; Gcp. 


E. Adams, Branewick ; Burleigh Smart, Kennebunk ; Nathan Winslow, Port- 
land; S. W. Chase, Portland; David Dunlap, Eranswick; James Appleton, 


State t^ociety. — Joseph Horace Bamball, Concord ; Albe Cady, Concord ; Ken-, 
dall O. Peabody, Franklin. 

Dartmouth College Society, — R. N. Wrifcuf, Hanover. 


State Society.— B. P. Haskell, Cornwall ; J. W. Hale, Brandon ; 0. S. Mur- 
ray, Brandon; David Foot, Middlebury; Stephen Hinsdill, Bennington; C. 
Wicker, Cornwall. 

Johnson Society. — David Boynton, Johnson. 

Mcnbers not representing any Sociely.^Vfm. P. Manley, Brandon ; M. M.. 
Dean, Moiikton ; Warham Walker, Shaftsbury. 


State Society.— Joseph Southwick, Sylvauus Brown, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 
San-uel J. May, Heary C. Wright^ Wm. S. Porter, and Nathaniel Southard, 

Barnstable and Harwich Society. — Seth Ewer, West Harwich. 

Essex County, and Salem and Vicinity Societies.— Ahner Sanger and Isaac 
Winslow, Danvers ; R. P. Waters, Salem. 

Holden Society.— Seth White and Charles White, Holden, 

Hebronville Sodety.—Chsihs Simmons, Hebronyilie. 

Ly^in Society.— Thoa. H. Atwill, Lyun. 

William!^ CoUfge Society.— Wiiixmi Hopkins, Williamsfown, 

Newburypori Society. — ^Nathan Haskell and Atkins Staawood, Nt-wburyport. 

Members not representing any iS'oci^fy.— Otis Thompson, Rehcboth ; E. C. 
Pritchett, Amherst ; Phineas Field, Shelbum Palls ; Tyler Thacher, Hawley ; 
Giles Pease, Lowell; Elbridge G. Howe, Bridgewaf^jr ; J. H. Lawton, Pittsfield; 
Joseph A. Whitemarsh, Boston. ' 

State Sbciefy.— William Buffum, Smithfield; Thomas Daias, Wm. Drown, 
Josiah Cady, John Prentice, and Gilbert Richmond, Providence ; Henry March- 
ant, Ray Potter, and Wm. Adams, Pawtucket ; Thomas Williams, Barrington ; 
Benjamin R. Allen and Otis Potter, North Scituate. 

Providence Society.— Wx&. Goodell, Wm. M. Chace, Benjamin P. Stead, and 
George R. Haswell, Providence. 
Pavtuckei Soctrfy.— Stephen Benedict and Rufus Bliss, Pawtucket. 
Member not representing any Society, Nathan W. Williams, Providence. 


Windham Co. Society.— Geo. Sharpe, Abington, and Charles C. Burleigh, 
Plainfield. ' ^ 


Middletown SocieUj.~-J. G. Baldwin, Mkldletown. 

Deep River Sockiy. — Henry Wooster and Darius Slead, Deep River. 

3fembers not representing any Society. — Wm. H. Coit, Normch ; John Tur- 
ner, Weston ; Isaac Jennings, Derby ; Edward E. Tyler, Colcbrook. 


State Society. — Alvan Stewart, Utica; L. H. Loss, New -York Mills; Gerrit 
Smith, Peterboro; Beriah Green, Wbitesboro; Geo. A. Avery and O. N. Bush, 
Rochester ; Nathaniel Colver, Greenwich. 

New-York City Society —J&meB H. Barker, J. W. Higgins, and James S. 

Genesee County Society. — J. B. Halsted, Castile ; R. W. Lyman, Arcade. 

Monroe County Society — Elon Galusha, Rochester ; Richard De Forest, Riga. 

Oneida Institute Society.— AmaBB. Frissell and Wm. H. Chandler, Whitesboro. 

Smiihjisld and Vicinity Society. — ^Asa Raymond, Peterboro. 

Catskill Society.Smmd Wilson, John Doane, F. N. Wilson, and Robert 
Jackson, Catskill. 

New- York City Young 3fen's Society.— Jlae Lockwood, J. P. Robinson, J. 
H. Park- ., A. 0- Peloubot, R. G. Williams, E. A. Lambert, F. A. Liboldt, John 
Jay, H. D. Sharpe, and Jeremiah Wilbur, New-York. 

M. Morris Society.— Wbeehi Hinman, Mt. Morris. 

Pmighkeepsie Society.— Thomas Austin, Charles Thompson, Robert Laird, 
and Jared Gray, Poughkeepsie. 

Sandlake Society.— Vmh. M. Gregory, John D. Sawyer, and Pliilip Wieting. 

Troy aociety. — Gurdon Grant, John Gray, Richard J. jBjiowlson, Samuel H. 
Merrill, Thos. J. Haswell, Edwin E. Weils, and William Yates. 

Greenwich Soticii/.—J^he\ Wilder, Charles Coolidge, and Wendell Lansing, 

Jay Society.— Philander Barbour, Jay. 

Albany Society.— E. N. Kirk, Otis Allen, William Crasso, Charles E. West, 
Joseph Kirk, and Geo. Freeman, Albany. 

Members, not represmting any Society.— Edvrard M. Moore, Rochester; Dun- 
can Dunbar, Octavius Winslow, John Rankin, Baxter Sayre, Robert Brown, H. 
G. Ludlow, E. Wright, Jan., S. S. Jocelyn, Arthur Tappan, Lewio Tappan, Theo- 
dore S. Wright, Samuel E. Cornish, George Bourne, Thomas Van Rensselaer, 
Amos A. Phelps, Abraham L. Cox, Andrew Bruce, R. A. Fairbank, La Roy Sun- 
derland, and Edward Wheeler, New- York City ; William Jay, Bedford ; A. M. 
Heacock, Buffalo ; Henry D. Humphrey, Hudson ; Richard P. G. Wright, Sche- 
nectady; Charles J. Knowles, Belport ; Parshall Terry, Patchogue ; Samuel T. 
Speai- and Emerson Andrews, Lansinghurgh ; Clark Lockwood, Malta ; Jacob 
y. Sinderling, Brunswick ; Nathaniel Post, Newport ; Thomas Powell, Milton ; 
Wells S. Hammond, Albany ; James H. Rogers, Mount Morris ; Stephen S. Smith 
and Carlos Smith, Manlius ; Henry Bradley, Penn Yan ; J. Woodward, Cazeno- 
via ; J. S. Lambright, Perry ; Talcott Howard Wyoming ; M. E. Lasher, Fulton ; 


Henry Barbe^Cold Spring; M. P. H-udley, West Troy; S. S. Wello, Kingston. 


Newark Socicbj.— Alexander N. Dougliorty, Wm. R. Weeks and J. M. Ward, 

Boonton Falls Soddy.—\Ym. H. Grimes mid Geo. W. Esten, Parsipany. 
Members, not representing any Society. — Caleb Abbott and Charles .Anderson, 
Newark ; George Hall, Madison. 

Philadelphia Society.— ILohen Purvis, Henry Grow, and Thomas Shipley, 

Philadelphia Young Men's Society.—Lew'm C. Gunn, Wm. H. Scott, Geo, 
H. Stuart, Robert B. Porten, and Daniel Neal, jun. Philadelphia. 

East Fallowjidd Socieiy.~Wm. P. Fulton and James Fulton, East Fallow- 


Hcnesdah Sodety.—Allcei Ketchum, Bethany. 
Susquehanna County Society. — A. Miller, Harford. 
Pittsburgh iSoeic/y.— Benjamin Sown, Pittsburgh. 
Harrisburgh Society. — Nathan Stem, Harrisburgh. 

Members, not representing any Society. — Aaron Kellogg, Erie ; R. W. Gris- 
wold, J. Prosser, and D. Hall, jun., Philadelphia. 


State Society,— G. Buckingham, Mansfield ; Wm. T. Allan, OberliD ; Edward 
Weed and Dyer Burgess, West Union. 

Members, ViXit represerUitig any Society.— George Whipple, Oberhn ; Henry B. 


Charles Stuart. 


J. W. Goodell, Smithville. 

The Society then proceeded to the appointment 
of officers, when the following gentlemen were 
chosen : 


GEOKJE STORRS, New Hampshire. 



CHARLES FOLi-EN, Massachusetts. 

JOHN BLAIN, Rhode Island. 





WM. R. WEEKS, New Jersey. 

ABRAHAM L. PENNOCK, Pennsylvania. 

WM. GIBBONS, Delaware. 

JOHN NEEDLES, Maryland. 

JOSEPH JANNEV, District of Columbia. 





DAVID NELSON, Missouri. 
WILLIAM JAY, Secretary for Porci^n CorrespoJidence. 
ELIZUR WRIGHT, Jk. Secretary for Domestic Correspondence. 
AMOS A. PHELPS, Recording Secretary. 
JOHN RANKIN, Treasurer. 



William Smith, 
Swan L. PoMaoy, 
David Thubjton, 
Calvin Newton, 

GeOBGB ShePHE il}, 

RiCHABD H. Vos:;, 
Nathan Winslow, 


David Root, 
Calvin Cutlek, 
Nathaniel P. Russell, 
Geokge W. WAan, 
Amos Oambbll, 
Daniel Hoit. 


Asa Aldis, 

James BALLAsn, 

J. P. MlLLEE, 

James Milligan, 
Oliveb J. Ellis, 
Agustine Claek, 
Elisha Babcom, 
Obson S. Muhbav. 


William Lloyd Gaebibon/ 
Ellib Gbav Losing, 
Samuel E. Sewall, 
Isaac Knapp, 
Moses Thacheb, 
John G. Whittieb, 
Jacob Ide, 
Geohge B. Cheeveb, 
Philemon R. Russell, 
David T. Kimball, 
Chakleb Sewall, 
Thomas Spkncbbj 


William B. Dodoe, 
William Oakes, 
Benjamin Portea, 


• Moses Pettengill, 

k Charles Whiffle. 



Henbv Coshino, 
John Pekntice, 
George W. Benson, 
Ray Pottbb, 
John G. Claek, 
John Jenckes, 
James Eames. 


J; E. P. Dean, 
A. M. Collins, 
Alpheus Kingslbt, 
IS. J. May, 
Charles B. LiNiSj 
Geoqge Read, 
Reuben Rockwelx, 
Geobge Shabp. 


Samuel Phoenix, 


William Geees, juk. 
Israel Smith, 
John P. Cushman, 
John Dickson, 
H. G. Lotlow, 
JosHPA Leavitt, 


Lewis Tappan, 
Geobge Bourne, 
Charles W. DENisoNj 
Samuel E. Cobnisk, 
Jonathan Middleton, 
Thkodoee S. Weight, 
Chbistopheb Rush, 
William Vllen, 
W. W. Reid, 

?iGHABD P. G. Weight, 

Chables Mabriott, 


E. M. Adams, 

La Rot Sunoebland. 


James Whjtb, 
James Paekhubst, 
John Gbimes, 
James Code. 


James Pobtkn, sen; 
Arnold Buffum, 
John W. Nevin, 
Edwin P. Atlke, 
Thomas Shipley, 
Robert Pdbvis, 
Joseph Casbey, 
Isaac Pabrish, 
Joshua Coffin, 
James M. MoCBUMMBttj 
Samuel Williams, 
John B. Vashon, 
Babtholomew Fusseli, 
Enoch Mack, 
Thomas Whitson, 
Abbaham D Shad, 


Habvey NewcomCi 
J. T. Gazzam. 



John Ranbin, 
Asa Dkubt, 
O. K. Hawley, 
Henjiy Cowles, 


H. C. Howell, 
John M. Monteithi 
James H. Dickey. 



James A, Thome; 

William T. AiiAW; 

JOB P. Halsbti 

EbotAe P. HAstiK^jg. 


On motion of Alvan Stewart, 

1. Resolved, That eacli Anti-Slavery Society, which shall send delegates to 
the Anniversary c.f the American Anti-Slavery Socieiy in 1837, or be auxiliary 
thereto, be requested to iiiake a full report of its origin, progress, nuifibers, and / 
of the means employed m the way of agents, printed documents, &c., for the / 
advancement ofjhe great cause of human freedom' in the United States; and 
that such report b« ample as to the occurrences between the anniversaries of the 
parent Society in 1935 and 1936; and that each society njake an annual report 
after 1837, so that all the particular id general statistics of the refiarmation may 
be preserved for the instruction and encouragement of coming times, 

2. Resolced,. Th&l! it is desirable that all Anti-Slavery Societies and agents 
should frequently circulate the Constitution of the An ti- Slavery Society of the 
place fur signaturts. 

3. Resolved, That it be recommended to all friends of the abolition of slavery 
in the District of Columbia, to district the towns and counties in which they re- 
side, arid cause faithful agents to circulate petitions for the abohtiott of slavery in 
that District, to be presented to every man and woman who has arrived at the 
age of majority in said town and county, and that the labor of obtaining the 
names be commenced thio summer, and that the petitions be prepared to be pre- 
eented at the nexi session of Congress. 

The Society then adjourned. 

, . Wednesday Mobnikg, May 11. 

The Society met by adjournment at 9 o'clock, in the Presbyterian Church, 
corner of ThompBon and Houston streets, Josiah Cady, of Providence, in the 
chah. Elder Ray Potter opened the meeting with prayer. 

The resoluiioa to. raise fiifty thousand dollars for the ©per^tions of this society 
the present year, was called up, and pledges made to the amount of 421,000. 

The committee on the relations existing between the Arnericaq and Massachu- 
setts Anti-Slavery Societies presented the following report, wijcli was adopted s 

"The coinmiWce appointed to confer with the commiltea of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society, with reference to the rtlation between that auxiliary and 
the Parent Society, have considered the subject and make tlus followi/ig report ; 

" First, That the Parent Society reluiquisfa its claiit^ for certain sums pledged to 
It, and paid into the tre4sury of the Massachusetts Socitty uhder a belief, on the 
part of the pledgers, that they' redeemed, thek pledges by making payment to the • 
auxiliary, on condition that the Massachusetts Society pay th^ ageuts, &c., who 
have labored in the cause in that state, to the amouut of tho swTV)9 received by 
them lis above-mentioned. And, 

" Second, Tfeat in future all sums collected by the agents of the National So- 
ciety in Massachusetts, or pledged to that society by r^^aidentft in that state, be 
paid mto the Treasury of the American Anti-Slavery Society, itbeing understood 
that the National Society wilt defray the expense of agenta in Massachusetts the 
same as in other states. 

/ ,• Respectfully submitted, 

Lpwis, tAppan. SAM^JEI, J, MAT, 


Nao-York, Maif 11, 1336. 


The Treasurer read his report which, being duly auflited, was acc^ted. 
Op. motion, adjourned to mtet at 9 o'clock, to-morrow morning, at the seme 

Thursday Moening, May 12. 
The society met pursuant to adjournment James Appleton, of Portland, Me,, 
in the chair. Hev. Charlec Stuart opened the meeting with praytr. 

On motion of Gerrit Smith, Esq., 

Etsolved, That this Society earnestly and affectionately invites its members, 
and the members of ita auxiliaries, diligently and prayerfully to examine the 
question, whether they can innocently make an oidinary use; or bo concemtdin 
the traffic of the productions of slave labor. 

On motion of Robert Purvis, 

Resolved, That we regard the remarkable end happy results of the experiment 
of Immediate Emancipatioii in those West India islands, whose colonial legisla- 
tures rejected the systtm of apprenticeship as signal evidence of God's approba- 
tion of thi9 measure, and as conclusive proof of the salety and policy of such 

On motion of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 

Resolved, That in the name and on behalf of more than two millions of help* 
less, crushed, and guiltless slaves in this, to them, land of religious despotism 
and home qf republican injustice, we honor and bless the philanthropists and 
Christians of Great Britain,for the noble exara^le they have set in the emancipa- 
tion of eight hundred thousand slaves in the British colonies, and for their unti- 
ring, fmthfui, ana Christian eSbits to abolish slavery and the slave trade through- 
out the world. 

Resolved, That the safe arrival in England of our indefatigable oAd eloqneut 
coadjiitor Gbobo^ Thowpsok, with hie family, is matter of joyfu! thankegiviag to 
the God of the oppressed ; thnt his generous and enthusiastic reception by the 
people of Great Britain is another proof of their growing regard for the saub-e of 
peaceful, righteous, and impartial liberty throughout the worid, as well as a tri- 
mnphant vindication of his character from the aspereions east upon it by his 
enemies in this country. 

On motion of Rev. Theodore* S. Wright, 

Resolved, That it be recommended to each of the Auxiliary Societies ti* ap- 
point a standing committee on introducing our colored brethren to the useful arts, 
with inslructioiiQ to ascertain the number of colored pensons in. their several dis- 
tricts, who are desirous of learning the useful arts, and especially those who aya 
desirous of becoming regular apprentices to such mechanics ns are willing to 
teach them trades, and treat them as ihiey do their other apprentices. • ' • 

Resolved, the Auxiliary Societies be requested to report tha statistics re- 
lating 10 those colored persons in their several localities, who are desirous of be- 
ing introduced into the knowledge of the uteful arta. 

Rtbolvtd^ That it is the duty of every auxiliary of tliis society to use strenuous 
efforts, in their respective vicinities, for the improvement of their colored fellow 
citizens in literature, morals, and religion. 


On motion of Rev. Samuel J. May, 

Resolved, That each iudividua!, who has made a pledge for himself or foy any 
pociety, based upon any eonditipn or conditions, be requested to state those cont 
ditionsj in writing, signed by his name, and lodge the same with the Treasmer 
of the Amorican Anti-Slavery Society. 

Adjourned to meet at 8 o'clock, to-morrow inornuig,in Clinton Hall. 

Feida? Mobnikq, May i3. 

The Society met pursuant to adjournment. Hon. James Appleton, of Port- 
land, in tha chair, Rev. H. C. Wright, of Boston, opened the with 

On motion of Thomas Shipley, 

Resolved, That the Executive Committee be requested to forward to each Ab- 
elitioQ or Anti-Slavery Society, a copy of its primed minutes, as early as prac- 

On motion, William Goodell, Edward Weed, H. B. Stanton, and Rev. Theo- 
(iore S. Wright were appointed a committee to report resolutions on the subject 
of the education of the people of color. They reported the following, which weife 
unanimously adopted : , ' , , , . 

Resolved, That it be recommended to the Executive Committee of this Society, 
fa employ an agent to superintend and urge for^v.a^d the great work of elevating 
£he pecuniary, social, ipttllectupl, and moral condition of the free people of color. 

J?MoIw<^ That it be recompiended to the Executive Coipmittee of this Society 
to employ an agent or agent? to investigate the actual condition of ^he colored 
people m the free ptates, vsrith a vievy to ascertaiii and publish the facts in re- 
spect to thdr pecu: iary, social, intellectual, moral, and religious condition. 

On motion of Thomas Shipley, 

■ Retclved, That, whatever differences of opinion may exist, in respect to thed&r 
gres and kind of obligation resting on the people of the free states, under the 
Federal Constitution, to return fugitive slaves to their masters, there is no oh\U 
gation imposed on the sovereign states to surrender, the liberties of dtizens^ 
without trial by jury. 

On motion of James Appleton, 

Raolved, That the common practice of apologizing for slavery, by comparing 
thfi free labrtrers of Ae North, with the slaves of the South, is fitted to create in 
the public mind, low and depreciating views of the value of civil liberty; and 
tends directly to reduce the one to the condition of the other, at the sape time 
■&at it asserts what is as untrue in fact, as it is detestable in principle. 

On motion of Rev. Charles Stuart, 

Re$olted, That we bless God for the co-operation of siich of onr beloved sis-. 
te?8 «s havft united then- labors with ours, and that we earnestly invite every 
lady in the land, who feels for female honor, for human happiness, .and^''rta^ 
and for Ctotf a holy law, to joiix her prayers and efforts with oyrs in bVi .' qf 
the ** suffering and the dmnb." . ' 


Refolved, That the general condiictof our colored brethren, both enslaved and 
Ciree, continues to command our cordial approbation, and enhances the duty find 
t}ie privilege of pleading their cause. 

On motion of S. S. Jocelyn, 

Resolved, That the prejudice peculiar to our country, which subjects our color-* 
ed brethren to a degrading distinction in our worshipping assemblies, which with- 
holds from them that kind and courttoua treatment to which, as well as other 
citizens, they have a nght, at public hruses, on board steamboats, in stages, and 
places of public conconrse, is the very spirit of slavery, is nefarious and wicked, 
1^ should be practically reprobated and discountenanced. 

On motion of Orson S. Murray, 

Resolved, That every euccessivo movement of the Colonization Sodety con-^ 
firms our formerly expressed views, and increases our disapprobation of the wholq 
scheme, as tending to perpetuate slavery ; to crush ihe free colored population, 
both of the North and of tho South ; to afford facilities for the African slave- 
trade; and to reproach Christianity in the eyes of the native Africans. 

On motion of William Goodeli, 

ReaoVsed, That, while the signs of the tiroes, in respect *o the great interests of 
civil and religious fimlom in our own age and nation, arc such as impel us to 
watch vidth. solicitude, to labor with patience, and to hope with trembling; yc» 
the promises and predictions of God, in the Scriptures, afford 'isuffiqenr wastant 
for the confident assurance, that those great interests wiii ere long be secured ia 
the universal prevajieince of practical rigbtepuBness and holy liberty throagliout 
theearth, ' . " 

Resolved, That the increased attention to the Monthly Concert of prayer for 
the people of color, bond and free, in our land, is cause of devout gratimde to 
God, and that the friends of oppressed humanity be requested to continue their 
observance of that season — "Remembering them who are in bonds as bound 
with them." 

On motion of Henry B. Stanton, 

RcBolved, That under God we rely mainly for the removal of slavery upon tlje ' 
faithful testimony of the Christian Church against it,— that we earnestly invite i 
individual Christians and churches of all denominations immediately to petition I 
their ecclesiastical judicatories and associaitions, . to pass resolutions condemning / 
slavery as a sin, and to take such other measures as are proper to efTect its speedy » 
removal; and that we recommend to the Executive Gompittee of this Society./ 
to address the Christians of the nation, iand urge them' to go forward in this work. ' 

Resolved, That it be recommended to the Executive Committee of this Society 
to employ two or more agents to visit the British West India Islands and Hayti, 
during the present year, to collect and transmit to this country facts from official 
find unofficial sources relative to the condition of the colored population ef those 
islands, and the effect of the various systems of emancipation there adopted, 
)ipon the physical, agricultural, commercial, educational, and n^Iigious prosperity 
pf the inhabitants. 


On motion of Rev. H. C. Wright, 

Reanfoed, ThRt the admission of '.he Territory of Arkansas into theUnibn as 
a slave-holding state, would jusdy subject this nation efresh to the reprobation 
and abhorrence of mankind, and to thefrownsand judgments of Almighty God; 
that it ought to be resisted by all who have hearts of flesh, as an impious aittmpi 
to ejceati And increase thehorrdris and heathenism of slavery tni the siave-tiade ; 
that we invoke C6ngre88, by every consideration of humanity and justice to re- 
fuse its admissien oh such ttrnia V and thst we call upon the people of the land 
to suataiu thijm ih the discharge of this high duty to Cfod, their countiy, and the 
world. ' 

Ritolved, That the unjust and onconstitutional imprieonment of Dr. Crandall 
in the District of Columbia, and the hardships to which he has been subjected, on 
the charge of being an abolitionist, demand of the whole people, without distinc- 
tion of aeci or party^a strong expression of reprobation, and a requisition that re- 
p&ratioh he mide him for the wrongs he hhs sufleted. 

: On motion of Gerrit J^mith, Esq., 

Resolved, TbaK it is evident that the present struggle in Tex«6 against ths 
government of Mexico, is mainly for the extension and perpetuity of slavery, and 
therefore deserves the strongeatreproba^n of the friends of liberty and humanity ; 
and that we fully believe that the independence of Texas, or the acquisition of it by 
eurgovfir^roent uader these circuisstaBCf«^ yould be mournfully disastrous to the 
aeus« ©f th« coloreii ra<?e^ of liberty, republicanism, and Christiauity. 

On motion, 

' Riitol'otih'tbiiiyfi h^attly approve bf the Anti-Slatery Almanac, published by 
Nathatiiel Sotith)ittl df Boston, atid earneaily recommend to all the fiiends of 
emaacipation, to take immediate and efficient measures for its extensive circula- 
tion. . ' 

Reioited, That the Executive Committee be instructed to publish five thousand 
cojt!^ of the Annual Report * 

Eiizur Wright, Jr., Charles, StUart Alvan Stewart, Henry B, Stanton, George 
Bourne, L. H. Loss, Tneodore S.Wright, andBenah Green were appointed Dele- 
gates to the New England Convent^in. 
After prayer by R. P. Q. Wright, of Schenectady, the Society acyoumed. 
Attest. - ' ' ^ 


>^ Assist. Secretaries. 

A. A. PHllLPS, Eedording Seciretai-y, 




To Cash paid Paper and Printing Emancipator - • $3191 27 
" " Human Rights - - 1342 76 
" «< Record - - - 3C20 19 
" Slave's Friend - * 13S1 07 
«« '« Quarterly Magazine - 830 33 
" Books and Pamphlets, purchased and pub- 
lished for sale • - - - « 3746 59 
" Circulars,; Petiiioas, and Prints , - - 954 47 
" M^eekly Emancipator «... 233 24 
" Designing and Engraving • ... 332 50 
" Advertising in City Paper*: . - - 141 9i 
" Postage 336 99 
" Office Rent - - - . - - 354 00 
« Stoves for Office - - - - - 23 75 
" Disiribming Papers and Notices in City . . 24 37 
" Traveling Expenses of Agent > - - .. 88 91 
" Book-Case, Tables, Stage for A^an. 1835 - 133 07 
" Assistance in Office . , - . 1090 13F 
Stationary, Lights, Fuel, Freight, Envelope 
, Paper and lucidentals ... 687 03 

^18512 65 

Balance due Atoer. Anti-Slavery Society, as per cash book 145 10 

, . . ^18057 ISt 

By Balance tn hand, May 1, 1835 . - - « . 3t5 9C 

Cash received on Emancipator Subscriptions - - 14f 0 13 

" Human Rights . - - . 869 32 

" Record 142 59 

, *' Quarterly Magazine - « - 618 22 

Publications sold - - . . 3467 32 

" Monthly SubacHptions - * . 1383.39 

" of Treasurer (JohaJUnkin) . - 10386 94 

$18657 75 

R. 0. WttLIAMS, 
Publighing Agent A. A, S, ISocietyt 

NKw.YofiK, Miv 9, 1836, 





To Balance per account rendered May 9th, 18. 5. . - ^ 97 2t 

Cash paid Public Meetings 47 28 

" Postage, Aiwrtiaing, Discoimt, Interest, &c. 185 21 

Engravings 152 94 

Agents' and Secretaries' Expenses and Salaries 7539 49 
R. G. Williams, Publishing Agent - . 10380 94 



By C&ah received for Cdntribtitions from Maine 
" ■ New Hauipshire - 

" ■ Vermont - - . 
, , Massachusetts. 

City of Boston 

Other parts of the Stale 



Rhode Island ^ 
Connecticut - ^ 
New York. 

City of New York t 
Other parts of the State - 

New Jersey 


City of Philadelphia . 

Other parts of the State 


Ohio - 
Sundry Receipts 
By B^aiice duo the Treasurer 

$18403 13 

^496 13 
616 45 
213 87 

1452 00 
25)4 96 

3966 96 
393 50 
348 06! 

6775 58 
2718 16 

94S3 n 
325 75 

1157 00 
195 85 

— 1352 85 
615 18 
82 90 
497 74 

$18403 13 

.To Balance "due the Treasurer * ^ ^ . ' . ^497 74 

T&d Ainotmt of Disbursements tiy thO Treasuret - - .$7924 99 

" do. by the Publishing Agent . 18512 65 

Total DiebursementB - . $26437 57 

The Amount of Receipts by the Treasurer for Donations - 17905 39 
" , . do. hy the Publishmg Agent for Publi. 

cations . - . ^ ^ 7960 91 

Total Receipts 
New-Yoek, Mat 9th, 1836, 

1. . . $25866 30 
JOHN EANKIN, Treasurer, 


In presenting their Third Annual Report, the 
Executive Committee of the American Anti-Sla- 
very Society are strongly reminded of their obli- 
gations to that Being who "stilletii the noise of the 
waves, and the tumult of the people." Through 
His overruling Providence, even the enemies of oUr 
righteous cause have been made greatly to promote 
it. The events of the past year, while they have 
demonstrated the necessity of our enterprise, have 
also given us a more assured hope of its accomp- 

We have no adequate means of estimating the 
increase of allowed and thorough abolitionists du- 
ring the year, much less the general change of 
public sentiment in favor of the slave; yet the 
limited returns of societies actually organized, may 
be instructive to those who have been, or professed 
to be, incredulous of the progress of the cause. 
323 new societies have been formed since the last 
report. The whole number now known to the 
Committee, is 523, of these, only 254 have reported 
their number of members, making an aggregate of 
27,182 members. From 74 societies, have been 



received reports of their number of members at 
their respective dates of oro:anization, from which 
it appears that these societies were organized with 
2955 members, or an average of 40 members each, 
and hare now increased to 9755, or an average of 
130 member.5 each. 


State auxiliaries have been formed during the 
year in New-York and Rhode Island, which have 
entered very efficiently into the work. The State 
Auxiliary of Massachusetts, in point of age and fact 
the parent of all the Anti-Slavery Societies, has 
gone forward with its characteristic ardor and de- 
votion, having expended during the past year not 
less than $6000. That of Maine has resolved to 
raise $2000 for the coming year, $887 of which 
was subscribed at its anniversary. That of New 
Hampshire, w^hich will hold its anniversary in June 
has expended liberally, and will not fall behind 
any of its sisters. Th *t of Vermont has expended 
the present year $464, and has voted to raise $2000 
for the coming year, $675 of which was immediately 
subscribed. The Auxiliary of New- York, at its 
meeting in Peterboro, raised a subscription of 
$1200 dollars. That of Rhode Island pledged it- 
self to raise $2000 for the first year, which was 
subscribed on the spot. The Ohio State Auxiliary, 
at its anniversary in Granville on the 27th ult., 
resolved to raise $10,000, $4,500 of which was 
subscribed on the spot. The State Society of Ken- 
tucky, has been prevented by the violence of slave- 

holders from active exertions by agi •}}( •; .. ^b'^ 
press. But the press of BIr. Biriiey, now rt 
cinnati, is perhaps acting not Jess efficientiy apon 
that state, than if it were within its borders. 

From the Reports of the Treasurer and Publish- 
ing Agent, it will appear that the total receipts of 
the American Anti-Slavery Society since the last 
Anniversary, have been $25,866,30. being an in- 
crease of $15,311,02 over the receipts of last year. 
With these funds, the Committee have been ena- 
bled to keep in the; field a number of agents, and 
to publish and extensively diffuse a variety of anti- 
slavery periodicals, pamphlets, and larger works, 


.'Human Rights, about 20,000 per month. Total 240,000 

Published ; Anti-Slavery Record, 25,000 " " 385,000 

Monthly. ) Emancipator, 15,000 " " 210,000 

t Slave's Friend 15,000 " « 205,000 

Quarterly Ami- Slavery Magazine, 6,500 ' i 

fLifeof Granville Sharp, - - - 2,000 
Bound j Anti-Slavery Record, vol. 1. - - 1,000 
Volumes ) Mrs. Child's Appeal, - - - 1,000 

i Slave's Friend, vol. I. - - - 1,000 


Occasional Pamphlets, 8,500 

Cii'culars, Prints, &c. 36,800 

Total number of impressions, 1,095,800 

This amount is eiiclusive of publications of other 
societies and individuals, which have been pur- 
chased and disseminated by this Society. It will 
be seen, by a comparison with the last report, that 
the issues of publication, this year have been nine 
times as great as those of last year, at only about 
Jive times the expense. 

Of the periodical publications, which at first were 


issued almost entirely by gratuitous distribution, 
14,235 copies moRthly, are now taken up by pay- 
ing subscribers, So much lias the demand for 
anti~sla\^ry publications increased during the year, 
that the committee have decided to issue the Eman- 
cipator weekly of the same size with the present 
monthly. By this arrangement, it is not designed 
tx) supersede the monthly, which it is proposed still 
still to issue in large quantities for gratuitious dis- 
tribution, under q. new name. 


In the course of the past year, the following gen- 
tle men have been employed for longer or shorter 
periods, as agents or lecturers : Messrs. A. A. Phelps, 
Thomas Huntington, George Storrs, Theodore D. 
Weld, Henry B, Stanton, Samuel L. Gould, Augus- 
tus Wattles, James A. Thome, Huntington Lyman, 
J. W. Alvord, Wm. T. Allan, Sereno W. Streeter, 
and Charles C. Burleigh. Mr* Weld has been chiefly 
supported by the N. Y. City Young Men's Anti-Sla- 
very Society. Wm. Goodellhas also been employed 
for a part of his time, in lecturing and writing for 
the periodicals. The entire amount of service per- 
formed by these individuals, is not less than eight 
years ; but considering the frequency and length of 
their public addresses, as compared with those of 
ordinary preachers of the gospel, the amount may 
safely be stated at twenty-four years. They have 
truly cried aloud atid spared not, and their success 
amidst reproaches, mobs, and hostile missiles of all 


descriptions, lias inspired the committee with the 
strongest desire to increase their numher. 

In this connection the committee would not for- 
get to mention, the services of those nohle-hearted 
and devoted men,Charles Stuart and George Thomp- 
son. The former has during the year given his time, 
and more than his time, gratuitously to this cause. 
The latter, while he remained w^ith us, labored most 
abundantly and gained multitudes of converts. With 
the utmost fearlessness and good temper, he met a 
storm of mean and malignant opposition, such as 
few have encountered, since the days of the Apostles, 
and such as nothing but the truth and faithfulness 
of an Apostle could have called forth. He counted 
ijot his life dear to him, in the cause of the oppress- 
ed, nor would any peril have induced him to re-cross 
the Atlantic, but for the urgent advice of his friends, 
who were unwilling that a martyr for American 
liberty, should be any other than an American citi- 
zen. They would fain spare their country the 
shame of staining h^r soil, with the blood of the 
representative of her best friends in the old world 
— a man w^hom the noblest philanthropists of Eu- 
rope delight to honor. If his traducers among us 
have any portion of self-respect remaining, they 
will be taught a lesson, by the enthusiam with ivhich 
George Thompson has been received by all whose 
favor is worth having in his native land. They wilL 
have reason to repent the violence -which interrupt- 
ed Mr. Thompson's labors here, for his voice will be 
more terrible to oppressors than ever, when it comes 
across the Atlantic, backed by the loud acclaim 


of that noble army of philanthropists who knock- 
ed the fetters from eight hundred thousand British 

Our brothers Stuart and Thompson are accused 
of being foreigners, as if it was a crime for a foreigner, 
while submitting himself to our laws, openly to dis- 
cuss with us, in our own halls and churches, the 
propriety of our institutions ! Is our republicanism 
a thing that fears open discussion 1 Such we, at 
least, have never understood it to be — much less 
our sins against republicanism ; and among the last 
rights we shall be disposed to yield to the spirit 
of slavery, is the right to welcome and listen 
to such foreigners as George Thompson, nor will we 
cease our efforts to overthrow the spirit that perse- 
cuted him, till he shall be welcomed back, to share 
with us the triumph of those principles which he 
nobly jeoparded life to promulgate. 

Before recurring to the events, which have grown 
out of the humble agency of this society during the 
past year, it may not be improper to advert to a popu- 
lar misapprehension which has worked inmiense 
mischief to the slave, and which must be thoroughly 
exposed, before any thing effectual can be done for 
I his relief. This mistake is, that at the period of the 
I origin of this society, slavery was on the wane ; that 
; an influential portion, if not the mass, of slavehold- 
\ ers, were sedulously engaged in devising the best 
i method of getting rid of the " evil," and that they 
: only needed to be let alone, or quietly seconded in 
any movements they might spontaneously make, to 


insure the removal of slavery iu the way best adapts 
ed to promote all the high hiterests concerned. This 
general delusion dates back to the war of indepen- 
dence, which produced a very general determina- 
tion, on the part of our fathers, to extend to others 
the liberty so dearly bought and so highly prized 
by themselves. Had the friends of human nature 
been faithful to their cause, slavery could never have 
recovered from the wounds it received from the 
Revolution. Emancipations were then much more 
frequent than now, and were avowedly made in re* 
cognition of the general principle, on which our fa- 
thers vmdicated theh' own liberty. The hypocrisy 
of a pro-slavery revolutionist could not then escape 
the dullest apprfihension, and there were accord- 
ingly few who ventured upon the infamy of hinting 
that slavery might be one of the elements of the 
nascent republic. But the friends of human nature 
were not faithful. They scorned to call in question 
the sincerity of the Southern lamentations over the 
"entailed evil." They took it for granted that 
those who had stood shoulder to shoulder with 
them, through the great struggle, w^ould spontane- 
ously carry out their common principles. They 
dared not to hint that slavery was a rotten carcass, 
which, bound to any part of the great body politic, 
would corrupt the whole. So the golden crisis for 
the remedy passed by. The slaveholders forgot 
the vows made in danger — and the returning lust 
of power readily availed itself of the mantle too 
charitably afibrded by the over-delicate friends of 


, liberty. The slaveholders saw their advantage 
and most skilfully improved it. Their statesmen 
proceeded to invest their peculiar '-^domestic policy'^ 
with a mysterious and unapproachable sanctity. 
The remotest allusion to slavery, from a certain 
latitude, called to the brow of the southerner an 
ominous cloud, and from his lips a significant hint 
that the subject was " too delicate" for open discus- 
sion. A more direct appeal, perhaps, elicited some- 
thing about " ckcumstances beyond his control" — 
and a " stern necessity." The North still foolishly 
inferred that the South, the gallant South, burning 
with the full ardor of the young liberty, was losing 
no time in the xe(p.i&itQ preparations to escape from 
the " stern necessity ;" the necessity of a practice 
at war with all its professions. It was under this 
strange misconception that the Federal Constitu^ 
tion was adopted. Both parties, to what is called 
the compromise, doubtless thought they had gained 
their end. The friends of slavery rejoiced that 
they had gauied twenty years more of the slave 
trade ; the silence of the Constitution in regard to 
slavery ; and a virtual, though not explicit, injunc- 
tion upon the states to deliver up fugitives. The 
friends of the slave, on the other hand, rejoiced in 
the ultimate abolition of the foreign slave trade ; 
and the purity of the Constitution, a document from 
the /ace of which it would be impossible to divine 
that any such thing as slavery existed in the whole 
country ! The obvious understanding with which 
they consented to the compromise was, that ther 


South should of its own accord, at no distant day, 
abate the monstrous evil which they had so dexter-' 
ously contrived to avoid the mention of. 

Iti all this the error v^as not, that the liberty of 
speech and of the press was sacrificed to the genius 
of slavery, but that that liberty was not practically 
exemplified. Had the South dared then to hint 
that the parties to the " compact" bound themselves 
not to speak or print their free thoughts on the sub- 
ject of slavery, the Union would never have been 
formed. Tiie error was, that slavery was passed 
in silence— it was not reprobated. Yes, that was 
the error. From that time, with increased zeal 
and diminished conscience have slaveholders waged 
an insidious warfare upon all our free institutions — 
! so insidious that three years ago, nothing could be 
more undoubted than the fond dream that the 
South is cordially desirous of emancipation, and 
yet so effectual, that they now openly show the 
chains they have forged for us ! 

Now, if any thing is to be done in behalf of the 
slave, it is plain that this mighty misapprehension 
must first be removed ; and it deserves to be care- 
fully noted that ail the influences to which We na- 
turally looked for help against slavery, did but con- 
firm the fatal delusion. The church, ever and anon 
deploring the misfortune and evil of slavery, but 
ever practising on the system and pocketing its 
unholy gains — clouded the eyes of philanthropists. 
The Colonization Society, taking it for granted 
that masters would spontaneously liberate as soon 


Si8 an amjlum was provided, of course did not 
trouble itself to disturb the delusion of which it 
was partly the author and partly the dupe. No 
influence, moral or religious, before the rise of the 
Anti-Slavery Society, had done otherwise than to 
minister to the strength and permanency of that 
spell under which slavery enjoyed a present and 
perfect peace, while it rolled the guilt of its origm 
on the past, and the labor of its abolition upon the 

The authorised mail robberies, the flogging and 
banging of northern citizens, the pro-slavery mobs 
and the proposed gag-laws of 1835, certainly fur- 
iiish the meafts of breaking the spell, if there is a 
possibility of breaking it. We shall dwell on some 
of these outrages with the view of deriving from 
them the instruction they are adapted to impart. 


On the 30th of Jul Yj between the hours of 10 and 
11 o'clock at night, a number of persons assembled 
about tl*e Exchange, in the city of Charleston, S. 0., 
and deliberately proceeded to wrench open one of 
the windows of the U. S. Post Office, which having 
accomplished without any molestation, they took 
thence a package belonging to the mail, and the 
next evening, having given public notice of their 
intention during the day, they 6Mr«« the said pack- 
age in the public square before an assembly of 3000 
persons. This attack was not unexpected by the. 
deputy who had charge of the Charleston Post 


Office, and yet not only was nothing done for its 
defence, but the publications sought by the perpe- 
trators of the crime were collected and placed in a 
package by themselves, for their convenience. This 
daring outrage upon the very life blood of cur free 
institutions, was the crime of more than even the 
3000 citizens who celebrated its success. On the 
1st of August the Charleston City Council took the 
matter into consideration, and in the preamble of 
a resolution calling a general meeting of the citi- 
zens, they say, "Whereas a very proper excite- 
ment exists in this community."— A general meetr 
ing of the citizens on the 3d appointed a committee 
of 21, among whose duties it was to accompany the 
northern mail frona the steamboat to the post office, 
and then inspect the separation of the obnoxious 
documents from the rest of its contents. With this 
committee, the post-master entered into an arrange^ 
ment to stop all such publications as they pleased 
to call incendiary, 

Tiie history of this transaction is not yet com- 
plete. The head of the Post Office Department, 
being informed of the excitement at Charleston^ 
previous to the robbery, and the danger of an at; 
tack upon the sacred precincts he was set to guaidl, 
gives the following reply to the question, whether 
the post-master at Charleston had done right in 
detaining certain papers, and would do right in ex- 
cluding them from the mail : 

"Upon a careful examination of the Isw, l am satisfied tiiat the J^osf-Mastt* 
General has no legal authority to exciuiie aewspapers &om the mul, nor prohir 


bit their carriage or delivery on account of their character or tendency, real ot 
ouppnsed. Probably it was not thought safe to confer on the head of an execu- 
tive department a power over the press, whicli might be perverted and abused. 

But I mm not prepared to direct you to forward or deliver the papers of which 
yoa speak. The Post Office Department was created to serve the people of eack 
and all of the United Slates, and not to be used as the instrument of their de- 
siruciion. None of the papers detained have been forwarded to me, and i cannot 
judge for myself their character and tendency ; but you inform me that they are, 
in character, " the most inflammatory and incendiary— and insurrectionary in 
the highest degree." 

By no act or direction of mine, ofQciar or private, could I he induced to aid, 
knovidngly, in giving circulation t<.i papers of this description, directly or indirectly. 
We owe an obligation to the laws,>but a higher one to the communities in which 
we live, and if the former be perverted to destroy the latter, it is patriotism to 
disregard them. Entertaining these views, I cannot sanction, and will not con- 
demn the step you have taken. 

Your justification must be looked for in the character of the papers detained, 
and the circunistances by whicli you are surrounded." 

It was precisely on this principle of a higher oh- 
ligatim to the communities in which toe live than to 
the laws, \\\2ii the mail robbers of Charleston had 
already relieved the post-master of his diflSculties. 
Thus has the head of the most vital department of 
our government thought it safe for him to exercise 
a power over the press which, by his own confes- 
sion the Constitution and laws did not think it 
safe to. confer upon him. Under this broad indul- 
gence to violate law for the good of the communi- 
ties in which they live, have the deputy post-mas- 
ters assumed the censorship of the mails, excluding 
whatever they have pleased to consider "incendi- 
ary." This they haVe done not only in slave states, 
but in the free. The pbst-raaster in the city of New- 
York, has taken upon himself the responsibility of 
stopping all the publications pf this Society mailed 
for persons residing in the slave states, whether 
sent gratuitously or to paying subscribers. ^ And 


this he has done with the full approbation of the 
head of the department. Says the Postmaster 
General in his letter to Mr. Governeur : — 

" After mature consideration of the subject, and seeking the beat advice \nihia 
my reach, I am confirmed in the opinion, that the Postmaster General has no 
legal authority, by any order or regulations of his department, to exclude from 
the mails any species of newspapers, magazines or pamphlets. Such a power 
vested in the head of this department would be fearfully dangerous, and has been 
properly withheld. Any order or letter of mine, directing or officially sanctioning 
the step you have taken, would, therefore, be utterly powerless and void, and 
would not, m the ahghtest degree, relieve you from its responsibility." 

Yet, in the face of this acknowledged illegality 
he proceeds through a course of reasoning to the 
following conclusion : — 

" As a measure of great public necessity, therefore, you and the other post- 
masters who have assumed the responsibility of stopping these inflammatory pa- 
pers will, I have no doubt, stand justified in that step before your country and all 

The President, in his Message, has urged Congress 
to abridge the liberty of the press, by laws against 
the circulation of our publications through the mail. 
He says, 

" I would therefore call^ the special attention cf Congress to the subject, and 
iBspectfuily suggest the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under 
severe penalties, the circulation in the southern states, through the mail, of in- 
cendiary publications intended to instigate tlie slaves to msurrection." 

A bill, making it penal for any post-master to 
receive or forward, into any state, any publication 
which may have been prohibited by the laws 
thereof, is now pending before Congrisss— a bill 
which takes away from every man a right which 
he holds from the Constitution of the United States, 
and makes the Post Office a mere tool of the indi- 
vidual states. 

We have ndt sketched the historj^ of this most 



flagrant outrage upon the rights of the people for 
the sake of reprobating it merely ; it gives a useful 
lesson. It teaches us that slavery is dearer to this 
guilty nation than its Constitution and its laws. 
The broadest and highest bulwark of our liberties 
already lies prostr^'te to make room for the grasp- 
ing monster. What security have we for the rest? 
When mail-robbing is honored and sanctioned, in 
support of slavery, it is time to inquire whether we 
are not mistaken in our hope that slavery will be 
removed by the spontaneous action of slaveholders; 
whether free states can any longer be safe by the 
«ide of such an " evil." 

The instruction to be derived from this violation 
of the mail becomes more important when we re- 
member, that the pretence on which it has pro- 
ceeded is altogether false. We have the strongest 
|>ossible evidence from the slaveholders themselves 
of its entire falsehood. The Grand Jury of Tusca- 
loosa co., Alabama, in finding a biil of . indictment 
iagainst the Society's publishing agent, Mr. R. O. 
WiUiams, had in their possession the very publica- 
tions, epp|ies of which were burnt at Charleston; 
and in searching for something to fasten upon him 
the guilt of attejupting to excite insurrection, what 
' was the most insurrectionary paragraph they could 
j&ndT It was the following, contained in the first 
No. of tlie monthly Emancipator : " God commands, 
and all nature cries out, that man should not be held 
as property. The system of making man property, 
has plunged 2^250,000 of our fellow countrymen 


into the deepest physical and moral degradation, 
and they are every moment sinking deeper." Again, 
says the Editor of the United States Telegraph, 
one of the most authoritative organs of Soutliem 
ophiions : — 

" We are of those who believe the south has nothing to fear from a scrvile'war. 
Wc do not believe that ihe abolitionists intend, nor could they if they would, ex- 
cite the slaves (o insurrection. The danger of this is remote. We beheve that 
we have most to fear from the organized action upon the consciences and fears of 
the slaveholders themselves; fiom theinsinuation of their dangerous heresies, in- 
to our schools, our pulpits, and our domestic circles. — It is only by alarming the 
consciences of the weak and feeble, and diffusing among our own people a morbid 
sensibiUty on the question of slavery, that the abolitionists can accomplish their 
object. Preparatory to this they are now laboring to saturate the non-slavehold- 
ing states with the behef that slavery is a ' sin against God ;' that the 'nationml 
compact' involves the non-sluveholciers in that sin; and that it is their duty to 
toil and suffer, that our country may be delivered from what they term ' its black- 
est atain, itajbuieei reproach, ifs deadliest cursed " 

Again, says the Hon. John C. Calhoun, himself 
the author of the "Incendiary Publication bill," 

" Do they [his Southern opponents,] expect the abolitionists will resort to 
arms, and commence a crusade to liberate our slaves by force? Is th'is what 
they mean when they speak of the attempt to abolish slavery 1 If so let me tell 
our fiiends of the South, who differ from us, that the war which the abolitioniBtii 
wage against us is of a. very different character and far more effective— it is 
waged not against our lives but our character." 

It is the moral discussion of slavery that the 
slaveholders fear, and especially that going on at 
the North. They violated the sacred rights of the 
national mail, not to keep incendiary matter from 
the sight of their abject vassals, but to frighten the 
North from the discussion, and Mr. Calhoun's bill 
will fail of its design, if it do not stop the circula- 
tion of all publications against slavery, in the free 
states as well as the slave. So much for half a cen- 
tury of slumber. So much for our amiable and 


obliging, and prudent schemes in days past. It 
is perhaps one of the wise arrangements of the 
Divine governmen t that the mouth, which will not 
plead for the oppressed, shall be stopped, if so, there 
is reason to fear that our repentance may come too 
late to save us from the righteous penalty, 


During the past year numerous indi^;iduals have 
been either shamefully scourged or put to death, 
without a legal trial, for the alleged crime of main- 
taining abolition sentiments, or attempting to ex- 
cite the slaves to insurrection. We need not re- 
peat here the well known narrative of Amos Dres- 
ser, who after a mock trial before a Vigilance 
Committee, composed of magistrates, ministers of 
the gaspel, and distinguished citizens, in the city 
Of Nashville, was Hogged 20 lashes, on the bare 
back, with a heavy cowskin. One of his self crea- 
ted judges afterwards stated expressly, in a public 
print of which he was the editor: 


But this editor regards the laws of his state as 
defective, in this respect, and "trusts the defect 
will he remedied" at the next session of the legis- 
lature. Such remedy could be nothing less than 
making those things legally criminal, of which 
Dresser was found guilty, viz. 1. " Of being a mem- 
ber of an Anti-Slavery Society." 2d. " Of having 
in possession periodicals published by the American 


Anti-Slavery Society. 3d. " Of being believed to 
have circulated these periodicals and advocated in 
the community, the principles they inculcate." 
The legislature of Tennessee has been at work the 
last winter in remedying the defect of its statute 
book, and has made it a penitentiary offence to re- 
ceive or give away publications which a slave-hold- 
ing jury may judge dangerous to slavery. 

The absurdity as well as injustice of this barba- 
rous mode of proceeding, was well illustrated at 
Farmvillej ¥a., where an individual was most inhu- 
manly beaten and ignjminiously abused, ibr the 
crime of abolitionism, who turned out to be wholly 
innocent, and of whom the Richmond Whig says, 

" We heal- with painful feefiiigs that the individual Lynched at Farmviile^ w&s 
from the strongest evidence not onlyianoceat of any purpose of injtu^ jOjthe 
people of the Bouth, but a harmless, inoffensivej and pious man ! We {eei^^iip, 
but we feel more for those who, in a patriotic but rash and mistoklR^^p^i^;^ 
flicted a severe and degrading punishment on an innocent mt^ii" . • , '1 < V i -j ' 

The editor of the Whig previously throws the 
whole guilt of this shameful outrage, upon the nor- 
thern abolitionists, whom he proceeds to threatien 
in a style that so well illustrates the spirit and ten- 
dency of slavery, that we cannot forbear to quote 
a few words : — 

" What 3?Lf the hell-hounds at the north, to fastd like these, caused by theit^' 
most daring and flagitious interference with our coricerns? To the facts of one { 
innocent man being near hanged, tinother innocent citizen scourged with rods, 
and the whole slave population debarred of privileges, and curtaned of comforts 
which humanity cheerfully provided, that iheir villainy may be counteracted 1 
This is their philanthropy ! What real philanthropist must not wish with fervent 
eincfirity, that they were in the hands of the southern people, to answer for their 
atrocious injuries to them, and their cruel inflictions on the innocent ?— Let them 
beware! Let them not feel too much security in their homes, or imagine that 
they who throw firebrands although from, as they think, so safe a distance, will 
be permitted to escape with impunity.— The race of Champes and Jaspers i6 not 
extinguished in the South. There are thousands now animated with a spirit to 



brave every danger, to bring these felons to justice on the soil of the southern 
states, whoso women and children they have dared to endanger by their hell'-* 
concocted plots. The blood of the innocent man scourged in Cumberland/- unites 
in the appeal for justice, and we confess has inspired us with an indignation ten- 
fold more fervent than we have yet experienced. We have /cared that Southern 
exasperation would seize some of the prime conspirators in their very beds, and 
drag them to meet the punishment due their offences, on the theatre of their cri- 
minal attempts. We fta%' it no longer. We hope it may be so, and our applause 
as one man, shall follow the successful enterprise." 

The tone and tejnper of the above is hy no 
means singular, it has pervaded, with a few honor- 
able exceptions, the whole southern press. 

In this state of feeling it is not to be wondered 
that every insurrectionary movement, real or ima- 
ginary, should be charged to the abolitionists. An 
extensive plot was said to have been entered into 
by the slaves of several counties in Mississippi, 
which was to be put in execution on the 4th of 
July. This discovery, said to have been made by 
a faithful negro, threw the whole country into a 
state of excitement. On the 6th of July 26 per- 
sons were hanged without trial. Two of them 
were white citizens of other states, who died pro- 
testing their innocence. No evidence has yet come 
before the public showing that there was any plot 
at all. The confessions made by some of the viC' 
' tims under the gallows are altogether matters of 
rumor. The court that administered "justice" 
with such fearful despatch, so far as the public has 
been informed, kept no record of its proceedings ! 

The benefit of a civilized government consists 
in this, that under the majesty of its laws, the in- 
dividual, whatever may be his opinions, or however 
bold his expression of them, is safe. He is not de- 


pendent for protection upon the 'conformity of* Jii*^3 
'views and feelings on any subject with those of 
any man or set of men. But whoever travels at 
the South, must owe his safety either to the confor- 
mity of his opinions with those of vslaveholders, or 
to the concealment of them. The majesty of the 
law cannot shield the luckless head of him who is 
known, though but in the recesses of his heart, to 
condemn the principle of property in man. But 
why do we speak of him who travels at the South ? 
He who sits still in a free state and republishes 
the sentiments of Patrick Henry, William Pinck- 
ney, or Thomas Jefferson, is proclaimed an out- 
law, and every villain in the land is tempted by 
large rewards to steal upon him and drag him 
from his bed, to suffer the scourge or the halter 
upon the very soil of those patriots, whose senti- 
ments he has dared to repeat. 

This state of feeling in regard to all moral inter- 
ference with slavery has not been created by the 
abolitionists, but brought to light. Immediate abo- 
litionism has thus far been only the test which has 
shown the progress of the disease, its secret, insid- 
ious, scarcely suspected progress. The unbounded 
wrath and railing and murdering at the South, 
show how far, if not fatally, the disease has tri- 
umphed there ; and the pro-slavery meetings and 
mobs at the North, will show how far the same 
disease has worked its way here. 

To detail the instances in which during the paist 
year boisterous and sometimes bloody riot has tri- 


umplied pyei* lg,w and order, would far exceed the 
limits of this anmial report. The lesson has heen 
so often repeated- that the more wise and patriotic 
of ^il parties have expressed their despair of the 
country, unless better principles can be infused 
through the mass on the necessity of putting down 
all mobs. Even some of the advocates of slavery 
themselves have trembled for the consequences; 
and well they might, for while their house has been 
on fire, its mad inmates have been pulling out the 
stones of its foundation to throw at the abolition- 
ists, who were approaching with at least the be- 
nevolent intention of putting it out. 

Of the Charleston riot, the first act in that grand 
drama of which Mr. Calhoun's bill is the last, we 
have already spoken. 

On the 16th of August, 1834, the proprietors of 
an Academy in the tof^^n of Canaan, New Hamp- 
shire, came to the nearly unanimous decision to ad- 
mit into th^ir school, fl/if applicants of suitable moral 
and intellectual qualifications. The announcement 
of this decision was regarded by many of the pub- 
lic journals as an indirect libel upon other literary 
institutioDS, which it was said, throughout New 
England, were free to all, The event, hovfever, 
^ provM that there is a wide difference between j^ee- 
in the abstract, and the practical matter of 
freely opening the fountains of knowledge to the 
despised caste. After the requisite preparations, 
the school was commenced on the 1st of March, 
1835, Of its 42 pupiisy 14 were the children and 


youth of colored parents, who were kindly and cor- 
dially received by their schoolmates of the orthodox 
and established complexion, and availed themselves 
of Lheir unwonted privileges with exemplary mod- 
esty, industry, and discretion. But such an outrage 
upon the sacred and patriarchal system of South- 
ern slavery was not to he tolerated among the jTree 
hills of New England ; — it would leeld, it was fear- 
ed, to an irruption of the Southern negroes," to a 
" disunion of the States," and to other consequences 
too horrible to be thought of. A town meeting was 
called, in which it was resolved to remove the 
school-house as a nuisame; and accordingly, on the 
10th of August, the house was dragged from its 
foundations by one hundred yoke of oxen, and left 
in the highway, a useless ruin ! Now what deserves: 
remark is, that the condemnation of this pitiful and 
profligate piece of barbarism, this outrage upon all 
rights natural or vested, by the periodical press at 
large, was exceedingly faint, even when it was 
heard at all. Not a few popular journals lauded 
the achievement of the mobocrats as a noble vic- 
tory. But the blow was doubtless needed, and has 
had its use. Many a man of generous heart and ex- 
panded intellect, has said to himself, in view of 
the despicable prejudice of this transaction^ "The 
side of my colored brother in this struggle shall 
be my side : let my tongue parch if it refiiseto ac- 
knowledge his equal brotherhood, and my hand 
wither if it refuse to grasp the hand of him whom a 
proud nation would set at nought for the complex- 


ion God has given him. Never will I acknowledge 
myself the citizen of a free country, till such schools 
as that of Canaan shall enjoy the active and sub- 
stantial protection of law." We charge the Ca- 
naan mob upon Southern slavery ; it is a brazen 
monument of pro-slavery interference with our free 

On the 11th of August, Dr. Reuben Crandail, of 
Peekskill, N. Y., residing in Georgetown, D. C, as 
a physician and botanical lecturer, was arrested in 
the midst of the most lawless uproar, and commit- 
ted to prison, for the crime of being an abolitionist 
and having in his possession a few anti-slavery pub- 
lications. It is said to have been with the utmost 
difficulty that the civil authorities saved him from 
being murdered on his way to prison in the city of 
Washington. Without having violated any law of 
the District, dj: of the United States, he was incar- 
cerated from that time till the month of April. He 
was charged with circulating incendiary publica- 
tions ] yet in his trial, the character of the publica- 
tions was not made a matter of inquiry at all ; but, 
while such inquiry would have proved that in cir- 
culating he did only what every citizen has a right 
to do, he was obliged to rest his defence on the plea 
that he did not circulate. A trial of ten days re- 
sulted in his acquittal. Yet was it deemed hazard- 
ous for him to be seen in the District, in public. We 
charge it upon slavery, that in the 60th year of Ame- 
rican independence, and the 48th of the Consti- 
tution, ^ citizen of a free state cannot safely pursue 


his business or pleasure, in the ten miles square, un- 
der the exclusive legislation of Congress. In that 
District has an honorable and inoffensive citizen of 
New- York been mobbed, and immured nine months 
in an unwholesome dungeon, for presuming to inter- 
fere, in a moral and constitutional manner, with 
the sin and curse of the traffic in human flesh ! And 
yet abolitionists are asked, " How is slavery in the 
District a grievance to you ?" 

The 21st of October, 1836, will long be memora- 
ble for two mobs, from the infamy of which our coun- 
try can recover only by a full repentance, and the 
complete abolition of slavery. Before we proceed, 
however, to take special notice of these occasions, 
we must call attention to the rise, progress, and 
nature of the war of Anti- Abolition meetings. 

We have already spoken of the public meeting 
at Charleston, S. C, on the 3d of August, called to 
complete, what the mob had so gloriously begun. 
Its resolutions developed the tone of feeling, on the 
part of the leading influences in Church and State, 
out of which the Post-Office robbery had naturally 
grown. His Honor the Intendant, presided over 
" one of the most imposing assemblages of citi- 
zens," and the clergy of all denominations attended 
in a body, lending their sanction to the proceedings, 
and aiding, by their presence, the impressive char- 
acter of the scene. The meeting produced a pre- 
amble and resolutions, which were ushered into the 
world by the Charleston Courier, with the hope, 

" That the people of the non-slave-holding states, animated as well by a Bpirit 


of patriotic fraternity, as a sense of constitutional obligation towards their South' 
ern brelliren, will promptly adopt the necessary measures to PUNISH and silenco 
the %'ile incendiaries, within their limits, who, not daring to appear in person, among 
us, where the GALLOWS and STAKE await thcnij discharge their missiles of 
mischief in the security of distance, which should no longer bo permitted to avail 

The committee who drafted the resolutions, say 
m their preamble, that they 

" Have purposdy abstained from any labored argument on the subject of sla- 
very, not from any inability to sustain. On vwral and scriptural grounds, its ex- 
istanco and toleration, as now established in South CaroUna, but from a deep 
convicticn of the fixed resolution of the people of this state, to penfiit no diecup- 
Bion within her limits, of ttiSHre, which sho deemS inherent and ineep&rable from 
the very existence of the state." 

Soffle of the resolutions, which were lised as 
models, in a multitude of succeeding meetings, were 
as follows 

" L Resolved, That we hold it to be an unquestionable truth, that the Bubject oif 
slavery, as it now exists in the elave-holding states of this Union, is, in all its 
bearings, a domkstig question, belonging exclusively to the citizens of those 
states ; that the people of no other state have any right to interfere therewith, in 
any manner whatsoever— and that such interference is utterly inconsistent with 
the federal compact, end cannot be submitted to." 

" 2. Resolved, That we regard with the utmost indignation and abhorrence^ the 
proceedings of those inxendiaeies in some of our sister states, who, under the 
name of " Anti-Slavery Societies," and other specious appellations, are endeavor- 
ing to midermine our institutions, regardless of the fatal consequences which must 
inevitably result ixom the prosecution of their nefarioua schemes, which if suc- 
cessfiil could not fail to involve the southern states in ruin, and produce the utter 
destruction of that class of person?!, for whose welfare they pretend to be so eoli- 

The statements recently put forth of the existence, at this time, of 260 Buch 
societies, in 13 slates, and the weekly issue, from a single press m the city of 
New- York, of from 25 to 50,000 copies of these incendiary pamphlets oaid papers^ 
with which our public mail has been lately burdened, and which are now spread- 
ing lhar deleterious influence thro'ighout the southern states— admonish us of the 
absolute necessity of taking prompt and decisive measures, to avert the dire ca- 
lamities which such proceedings are so well calculated to produce." 

"3. Resolved, That these proceedings have brought about a crisis, which 
makes an earnest, and we trust that it may prove an irresistible appeal to all such 
of our ffcllow-citizens in the non-slave-Lolding states, as may disapprove of these 
societies and their measures, calling upon them, by every consideration of duty 
and of patriotism, to manifest that disapprobation, not merely by the expression 

cf their opinions, but by the most active, zealous, and perfjevering efforts to put 
down these assaciaticnB. and to supprcps that fanatical spirit, vvhich, in pursuing 
an imaginary goodAz regardies;? of the fatal consequtnces which are insepaieble 
even from its continued prosecution, among which, not the least to be lamented, 

"5. Resolvtd, That tho Post Office establishment cannot, conristently with 
th«5 Constitution of the United States, and the objects of such an institution, be 
converted inta an instrum-nt for the disseminotion of incendisry publications, and 
that it is the duty of the federal government to provide that it shaU not be so 
prostituted, which cun easily be effected, by merely making it unlawful to trans- 
port by the public mail, through the limiis of any state, any seditious papers, for- 
bidden by the laws of such etat« to be introduced or circulated therein, and by 
adopting the necessary reguiations to effect the objtct." 

"7. Resolved, That for the sake of making such an earnest appeal to the peo- 
ple of the non-alaveholding Btates, as may convince them of the true state of 
public feeling amongst us, it would in the opinion of this meeting be desirable to 
bring about a cordial co-operaiion either through a Convention, or in any other 
way best calculated to embody public semiraent, so that the truth may bemado 
known, that however we may differ among ourselves on other points, we arc on 
this subject uniied as one man in the fixed and unallerable deter minaiim to 
maintain our rights, and defend our property against all attacks — be the conse- 
guences what they may." 

"11. Resolved, That the City Council be also requested to take tho proper 
measures to secure the strict performance of the duty imposed by the law upon 
the Ha»bor MaRter, of ke. ping a correct list of all persons arriving at, and de- 
parting from, this port ; and that they also request the President and Directors 
of the Railroad Company, to have correct lists of all persons arriving and depart- 
ing by that conveyance, whether white, free colored, or slave?, and that mea- 
sures be taken to have those lists regularly examined to the intent, that incendia- 
ries, and other evil disposed persons corning amongst us, or attempting to pass 
through this state, may be detected and exposed. 

*' Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due to the reverend gentlemen 
of the clergy of this city, who have ao promptly and so effectually responded to 
public sentiment, by suspending their schools in which the free colored population 
were taught ; and that this meeting deem it a patriotic action worthy of all 
praise, and proper to be imitated by the other teachers of fiimiiar achoola throu^hi- 
oul the state." 

On the next day, a similar meeting was held in 
Richmond, ¥a., and passed Resolutions of the same 
character. It will be sufficient to quote the two 
following: — 

"1st. Resolved, That we shall hold any attempt to impair the right of prop- 
wty in our slaves, ps guarantied by the Consiitutionj by the abolition of ehvcty 
by Congress, in any of the states, or any of the territories or districts -vfh&p 
slavery now ejrists, or to regulate the manner in which slaves may be flbld froiit 



tiineetata tn another, as a wanton violation of our political compact, and destrnc- 
tive of the whole frame of our govemrornt. 

"2d. Ttesolved, That we have a jualclairii on all the stetea 
for the enactment of suitable and efficient laws, to n preea put down by ade- 
quate penalties, all incendiary or seditious aBsociatione, whose avowed purpcsc is 
to disturb our pec.ce, rnd to excite '"Burrection among < r siavesj and we confi- 
dentlj? rely on the wisdom and firmness of the Geiieral Assembly, by a proper 
appeal to thooe etates, to procure the passage of s'.ch laws." 

These mon trous falsehoods, and arrogant de- 
mands, were re-echoed from every town and village 
south of tiie Potomac. In the most furious style, 
multitudes threatened to imbrue their hands in 
the biood of everv abolitionist vi^ho should set 
foot on their soil, and to visit upon the heads of the 
innocent free colored people among them, the sins 
of their £riends in the free states. 

The point to be remarked is, that the South, in 
these tyraiinou'i resolutions, denies to the North all 
right of morally discussing the subject of slavery ; 
thus haughdly summoning them to surrender the 
only bulwark of their own liberties. She may en- 
joy free intercourse with all our cities, free access 
to all our institutions of learning, the free use of the 
mail,^ — she may send thousands of her most influen- 
tial and accomplished citizens among us from year to 
year, with fi^ii liberty to corrupt the minds and 
hearts of cur citizens in favor of slavery, but loe must 
never call in question the moral right of holding men 
as property. She may-.send among us the poisonous 
disquisitions of her reverend defenders of slavery, 
Drs. Furraan and Dalcho, or the polished and de- 
ceitful arguments of Holland and Dew, and it is no 
interference with our " domestic policy," or our " pe- 
culiar institutions but we may Aot send back the 


antidotes of Mrs, Child, of Judge Jay, or of Dr. Chan- 
ning ; no, nor of her own Birney ; — no, nor yet of 
her own canonized sage, Jefferson ! 

How were these demands answered from the 
North? Cringingly, hypocritically. With all the 
meanness of men who, having partially apostatized 
from the principles of liberty, have not the courage 
to avow it. The meetings of Portland, Boston, 
Philadelphia, New-York, and Albany, are our wit- 
nesses. Let it be understood, we do not say thisk 
was the answer of the North ;~it was the answer 
of those who set themselves up as the organs of the 
North, — the merchants, r,ud politicians, and aristo- 
crats of our principal cities, which are most corrupt- 
ed by southern trade and companionship, and their 
humble imitators in our more inland towns. There 
is yet a mass of uncorrupt yeomanry in the land* 
the bone and muscle of the nation, which sent back 
no such craven submission. And it was their silent 
but deeply felt influence that checked the pens of 
the drafters of these sycophantic resolutions, just 
between their expressions of windy abuse and vi- 
tuperation, and the expression of a sincere deter- 
mination to inflict pains and penalties. It was their 
infiuence that made the resolutions as hollow and 
empty of all satisfaction to the South, as wer^ the 
hearts of their authors of every noble and generous 
sentiment It was easily foreseen at the South, 
that the violent denunciation of the abolitionists in 
these great Northern meetings, would bring upon 
them plentiful showers of bludgeons aud brickbats, 


but would not place tliem under the ban of law. 
Not a meeting dared to propose suppression by laio, 
except that of Philadelphia, and the pity then was, 
that the resolutions were notoriously the work of a 
parcel of political striplings, who had far more 
sseal for slavery than knowledge of the public 
sentioient of the city they had undertaken to 

These meetings had just the effect that might have 
been anticipated. All the negro haters in the land 
boastfully prophesied that the abolitionists would 
never move under such a load of slavery ; that they 
would not venture to face so formidable an array 
of public sentiment. Rival parties for the favor of 
the South began to dispute with each other for the 
honor of having put down the abolitionists. This, 
bowever, was quite premat'ure. The abolitionists 
had received no new light on the moral question 
from all these resolutions, except, indeed, the know- 
ledge of the fact, that slavery had well nigh sub- 
verted all moral opposition at the North. The 
question now became, Shall we, by basely suc- 
clitabing now, sacrifice the last hope of a moral 
reformation in behalf of the slave? Souls even 
less deeply devoted ilban the abolitionists might 
have answered, No. There was no faltering in the 
abolition ranks. There was no waiting for the 
stora to pass over. The tremendous outcry of the 
abettors of slavery for silence was received as the 
weightiest possible reason for crying aloud, and 
sparing not. The two occasions on which the spirit 


of abolition first met the proud array of the pro- 
slavery preamble and resolution forces, were the 
annual meeting of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery 
Societ;;, and the meeting of the New- York State 
A. S. Convention, both on the 21st of October. 

Whoever has read, with any degree of candor, 
the Report of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety, entitled " Righl and Wrong in Boston," cannot 
have failed to admire the good providence of God 
in raising up a society, in every way so well quali- 
fied to stand the brunt against the enemies of hu- 
man nature. That society, wiiile the enemy were 
singing paeans over the great Fanuiel Hall meeting, 
and rejoicing over the utter prostration of the abo^ 
lition cause, notified its annual meeting to be held 
in Congress Hall, on the 14th of October. The time 
was their constitutional one, and the place the only 
public one, (with one exception,) that was left to 
their choice in the city. The announcement was 
received with the utmost indignation by the friends 
of slavery. They professed to regard it as a piece 
of unparalleled effrontery, that a female society 
should presume to hold a meeting after all tl^ey had 
done to put down abolitionism; and especially that 
their intention should have been openly proclaimed 
from some of the pulpits. The proprietor and 
lessee of the Hall were frightened, lest their prop- 
erty should fall a sacrifice to the fury of the mob, 
and withdrew their permission to use it for the 
meeting. Thus shut out, the ladies postponed their 
meeting till further notice. The week foUo^wing, 


it was announced that it would take place on the 
2ist of October, at the room of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society, at 3 o'clock, P. M. The la- 
dies were informed of the certainty that their pro- 
ceedings would he violently interrupted. But they 
were true to the cause, true to themselves and their 
children. They met, surrounded by a mob of 5,000 
persons — said by some of the daily newspapers to 
have been "gentlemen of property and standing," 
but who violently assaulted the room, with curses 
and imprecations, and with the aid of those who 
fihould have protected it, and punished them, forced 
thfi meeting to adjourn to a private house. Not 
content with this glorious achievement, this gentle- 
mardy rabble laid violent hands upon Mr. Garrison, 
Editor of the Liberator, who, during the attack 
upon the ladies, had been writing in an adjoining 
room. He was stripped of a part of his clothing, 
and dragged through the streets, bound with a rope. 
By the collusion of friendly hands, he was taken 
before the Mayor of the city, whose protection- 
posterity will wonder to be told—consisted in com- 
mitting him to prison. 

Here we see the relief and protection afforded to 
the South by the Fanuiel Hall meeting. By that 
meeting, the public press, and the " gentlemen of 
property and standing," were taught to regard the 
abolitionists as the worst enemies of their country, 
who must be silenced. Of course, if they would not 
defer to the majesty of that august assembly, and 
obey its solemn manifesto, inasmuch as there was 


no law applicable to their case, wliat else could he 
done than to apply brute force r/ithout law 1 And 
what, after all, was the amount of consolation ob- 
tained for the slaveholders hj these 5,000 respecta- 
ble and accomplished " Lynchers 1" It was this. 
The Female Anti-Slavery Society adjourned to a 
place of more security, lohere several members were 
added to their number. The whole amount of the 
victory claimed over BIr. Garrison is, that he turned 
deadly pale*~a,s he doubtless w-ould have done had 
he fallen defenceless among a gang of hungry 
wolves ; but it is not pretended that he recanted 
his opinions any more in the one case, than he 
would ha\;e done in the other! The Female Anti- 
Slavery Society is now stronger and freer than ev- 
er. Its " Right and Wrong in Boston" has pinned 
the "gentlemen of property and standing" upon the 
page of history so effectually, that they already en- 
joy the verdict of posterity as vile sychophants, and 
graceless disturbers of their country's peace, Mr. 
Garrison is still the Editor of the Liberator, nor 
has that print abated a particle of its holy indigna- 
tion against oppression, nor neglected any opportu- 
nity to rebuke the tools of oppressors, nor are we 
aware that it has lost a single subscriber. 

On the 20th of September, a call was issued by 
the Utica Anti-Slavery Society, for a convsiutioiij to 
be holden in that city, on the 2 1st of Ocicber, for 
the purpose of forming a state anti-slavery society. 
This call was signed by more than 4 rO persons in 

* Even this miserable ground of triumph is taken away, by t!;e testimony of 
imimpeachable eye-wimessee, who saw the who.' . 


different parts of the State. The Supreme Court 
room, in the city of Utica, was granted for the use 
of the Convention, by the Common Council. This, 
and the imposing character of the call, made it im- 
portant for the political partizans of both par- 
ties to frustrate the Convention ; otherwise, they 
must expect to lose southern votes. Certain po- 
iitical leaders, well acquainted with the business 
of manufacturing public opinion, set themselves at 
work upon the most excitable elements of society, 
and by means of public meetings, organized and 
trained a mob for breaking up the Convention. 
When the Convention assembled in the city, on 
the 21st of October, it found the Court room occu- 
pied by a meeting of so called " peaceable citizens,'* 
headed by a number of political men. These 
" peaceable citizens" had placed themselves in the 
Court room for the avowed purpose of depriving 
the Convention of the privilege granted by the 
Common Council. As soon as it was known that 
the Convention was in session in one of the church- 
es, the same " peaceable citizens" transferred them- 
selves to that place, at the heels of their leaders, 
now known as the " committee of twenty-five." This 
committee interrupted the Convention by reading 
a paper of a very insulting character, and demand- 
ed that the Convention adjourn. The Convention 
proposed a Committee to reply at length, and state 
reasoiiis to the " peaceable citizens." The latter, 
however, came not to hear reasons ; and setting 
up a confused uproar, which might well be called 


the argument of foolg, so utterly drowned the 
voices of the Convention, that it was impossible to 
proceed. The main object of the Convention, the 
adoption of a constitution of a N. Y. State Anti- 
Slavery Society, having been accomplished, it ad- 
journed sine die; and the next day the State Anti- 
Slavery Society itself met, at Peterboro', 29 miles 
distant, and proceeded peaceably in its business. 
What was accomplished for slavery by breaking 
up the Utica Convention ? About six hundred dele- 
gates, from all parts of the State, had assembled. 
They had already done something for the cause of 
the oppressed. After being driven from a house 
dedicated to the service of God, by a knot of con- 
gressmen, judges, editors, and lawyers, followed 
and supported by a clamorous, drunken, and blas- 
pheming rabble, they were prepared to do more. 
Their abolitionism was made a part of their souls, 
and they were ready to die in the cause. But this 
was not all ; there were others who came to see and 
hear for themselves— they might have seen little 
force in the arguments of the abolitionists, and con- 
tinued to remain neutral or unenlisted. But they 
compared the conduct and temper of the abolition- 
ists with what they saw in their opposers : they 
weighed slavery by the ferocious and bloodthirsty 
mob, which that day espoused its cause, and they 
went away abolitionists. The eyes of the people 
of the state, too, were fixed on the scene; yes, of 
many of the states, and everywhere it may be said, 
the cause of sla;very lost much, and gained nothing. 



la many other places, almost at the same time^ 
iiiimiiar means were resorted to, to put down aholi- 
j;iomsm, and invariably with similar success. The 
€i5:|iibition of slavery, which lias been made through 
all these anti-abolition meetings and mobs, has done 
more than could have been done by the arguments 
of a thousand lecturers, to convince the sober and 
disinterested, that slavery is a crime which cannot 
be tolerated in silence, that it is a system which 
miist; either crush or be crushed, that it aims a fatal 
blow at all in which real liberty consists. They 
jjave brolsen up for ever, in many minds, the delu- 
sion already referred to, that slavery, of itself ^ is 
rapidly verging to decay, and relaxing its grasp be- 
ibre the light of a better age. The very influences 
at tb4 ^pi'th, which were relied upon for putting an 
end to slaver^, are found to be opposed to it only in 
t^ifi abstract, wliile they are ready to befriend it in 
practice, and fly to its rescue when attacked by the 
moral power of the gospel. 

But we have another source whence to derive 
siill more abundant proof, that slavery has been 
growing, with ovx growth, and striking its deadly 
foofe ^6vX the vitals of oar freedom. If there is any 
defence against the avarice of oppressors, who buy 
and^seU the muscles of their fellow-men, it is in the 
Ghjristian religion, whose founder taught, " What- 
soever ye would that men should do unto you, do 
ye even so unto them." With what pernicious ra- 
bidity niust this cruel system advance, when it has 
nbi only neutralized the church, but gained its full 


sanction and suppoi-t— when it lias not only es- 
caped the powerful censure's of God's book, hiit 
learned to quote the authority of that book in its 
favor! Never did the church give evidence of 
more fearful corruption, never was the awful power 
of religion more dangerously perverted, than when 
learned divines set themselves to prove, from holy 
writ, that " might makes right," that he who can, 
may appropriate to himself the labor of others, 
without paying for it ! We charge upon such di- 
vinity the continuance of a system, whose develop- 
ment is the murder of millions— the consummation 
of all human crimes ! P^ow it is easy to show, that 
the present year has been fruitful in sentiments 
which justify a id tend to eternize slavery in all its 
horrors, and thz,t the foulest aiid most malignant of 
these expressions, whether in justification of slave- 
ry, or in hostility to those who would abolish it^ 
biave proceeded from consecrated expounders of 
God's revelation and law. 

The clergy of Richmond, Va., on the 29th of Au- 

"Resolved, uNANiMousLV, That the example of onr Lord Jesus Christ, and his 
Apostles, in not interfering with the question of slavery, but ■uniformly, r.ecog- 
TjiTing' relations Of toaster arid servant, and^ving full and nffectionMe iri- 
structioii to both, is worthy of the imitation of all Mmistera of the GospfeL", 

They also 

" Resolved, That the Haspicions which have prevailed to a considerable extent 
against Kinisters of the Gospel, and professors of religion in the Slate of Vir- 
gjnis, as identified with Abolitionist^ arc wlwUy unmerited, believing we do, 
fiom extensive acquaintance with our churches and brethren, that they 6re Wiiii- 
mous in opposing the pernicious schemes of Abolitionists." 

This sanction of slavery is none the less wickedf 
because it is equivocal and indirect. 


The Synod of Va. subsequently passed the fol- 
lowing resolution : — 

"JReaolved, imaninioualy, That we consider the dogma fiercely promulgated by 
add associations — that slavery, as it actually exists in our Blaveholding States, is 
ntccssatily sinful, and oughi to be immediately abolished, and the conclusions 
which naturally follow from that dogma, as directly and palpably, contrary to 
the plainest principles of common sense, and comtnon humanity, and to the 
dearest authority qf the -word of God," 

The Edgefield, (S. C.,) Baptist Association, 

'^Resolved, That the practical question of slavery, in a country where the sys- 
tem has obtained as a part of its stated policy, is settled in the scriptures by Je- 
^8us Christ and hia Apostles." 

"JResolved, That these uniformly recognized the relation of master and slave, 
and eiyoined on boih their respective duties, under a system of servitude more 
"degrading and absolute than that which obtains in our country." 

The same association appointed a daij of fasting, 
not to "undo the heavy burdens, and let the op- 
pressed go free," but to entreat God 

"To give to .our brethren and all others at the North, who are embarked m the 
nnscripturalcause of the abolition of slavery among us, right views of the course 
pursued by our Lord and his apostles under a similar state of things, when they 
were upon the earth, in imitation of whose example they should be found, that 
instead of scattering firebrands into the southern portion of the Union; and stir- 
ring up a servile war, they may " endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit Si the 
bond of peace." 

Surely this is fasting " to smite with the fist of 

The ministers and messengers of the Goslien As- 
sociation, assembled at JFVee Union, Louisa co., Va., 
unblushingly publish the following statement and 

The most of ua have been bom and reared in the midst of this population. 
Very many of us, too, have been ushered into life under inauspicions and disad- 
Tantsgeous circumstaivces, having no patrimonies to boast, and inheriting little 
eiee licom our pirrents but an existence and a name. We have, however, through 
the blessings of God, by a persevering course of industry, and ri^d f^Mnxtiy, 
acquired a competent support for ourselves and families. And as a reWard for 
£iur laborious exertion, we received such property aa was gnarantied to us, not 
oxdy by the laws of our individual states, but by those of the Fiiited States. In 
consideration whereof, we unanimously adopt fhs following resolutions 


" Ist. Resolved, Tkot we consider our right and title to this property altogether 
legal and bo7ia fdc, and tliat it ia a breach of that faith pledged in the Federal 
Constitution for our northern brethren to try, either directly cr uidirectly, to les- 
een the value of this property or impair our title thereto. 

"4th. Resolved, That we entertain grateful feelings towards Mr. Gouvemeur, 
Postmaster of the city of New- Fork, who retaiued those papers on his own 
responsibility, and that v/o- highly respect the names of Sprague, Fletcher, and 
Otis, for the very able and lucid manner in which (in the city of Boston,) they 
have discussed this all-absorbing subject which threatens the dissolution of the 
■ Union. 

"6th. Resolved, That we consider there is something radically wrong in the 
logic of those would-be philanthropists at the North, who lay it dowa as ono of 
their main propositions, that they must do what is right, regardless of conse- 
quences, inasmuch as they will not venture to come this side of the Potomac to 
teach and lecture publicly, where (they say) this crying evil exists. 

"7th, Resolved, also. That the Bible which we profess to take as the rule and 
directory of all our actions, fully and clearly recognizes the relation of master and 
servant ; and that our Savior and his Apostles taught servants their various du- 
ties to their masters and submission to the powers that be. The case of Onesi- 
mus, and the dkections given by an inspired apostle, certainly are in point." 

The Tennessee Conference of theMethoiiist Epis- 
copal church, adopted a " Report on Slavery;" ^^hic)^ 
contains the following passage : — 

" Slavery is an evil which the civil authority alone can remedy : the church can 
do nothing towards it, except to require kindness on the part of its white mem- 
bers towards their slaves, and Jidelity towards their masters on the part of the 
slaves. In accordance with this view, we have uniformly regarded the indiscri' 
minate traffic in slaves, as well as every other species of cruelty exercised upon 
them, as criminal, and, consequently, as falling under the Disciplinary ioterdio- 
tioQ of our church. Bui this is all, dM a. body of Methodist ministers, we can do. 
The laws qfour country preclude the possibility of any thing like general mar,- 

The Charleston Baptist Association, in a memo- 
rial to the legislature of S. C, say 

"The undersigned would further represent, that the said Association does not 
consider that the Holy Scriptures have made the/acf of el&veTf & question qf 
morals at alL" 




The Charleston Union Presbytery, unequivocally 
avow their opinion as folIoYfs : — 

Eesolved, That in the opinion of this Presbytery, the holding of staves, so far 
iram being a sin in the sight of God, is no where condemned in his Holy Word — 
that it 19 in accordance with the example, or consistent with the precepts of patri- 
archs, prophets, and apostles; and that it is compatible with the most fraternal 
regard to the best good of those servants whom -Sod may have committed to our 
charge, and that, therefore, they who assume the contrary position, and lay it 
down as a fundamental principle in morals and religion, that all slaveholding is 
wrong, proceed upon false principles." 

Similar sentiments have been promulgated by 
nearly every ecclesiastical body at the South, and 
some not far behind them, by a few such bodies at the 
Nprth. if v^e advert to the expressions of south- 
ern clergymen, -we shall see what spirit has prompt- 
ed these tyrannical a?id blasphemous resolutions. 
We shall seC; that instead of standing aloof from 
slavery, as they pretend that Christ and his Apos- 
tles didj they themselves are shameless slaveholders 
in heart, and often in practice. They wrathfuUy 
denounce the reprovers of oppression, as criminals 
of the tvorst stamp. 

We are told by the southern Christian Herald, 
that the Rev. J. ti, Thornwell, und Rev, Mr. Car- 
addressed a meeting in Lancasterviile, S. C, 
in support of the following, among other resolu- 
■tions^^-^ ■ ■ ' ■ / ; ; 

1. That Slavery, as it exists in the Sotitb, is no evil, and is .c^hsklent With 
the principles of revealed religion; that all opposition toitafisesfromajnie- 
Iguidifd aiid Jimdish fanaticl^ 'which we are bound to resist ia the very 

"2. That all interference with tWa subject by fanatics, is a violation of oar civil 
and social rights— is unchristian, and inhuman, leading necessarily to ahsirchy 
ppA Moodshed j and liiat the instigatora dSB. imrcUi'irs afid s!ssaMMt.'7 ■. 

to a dissolution of the Union." 


A clergyman of Virginia closes a letter 

" To th& Sessions of the Presbyterian Congregations, mthin the bounds qf 
West Bfanover Presbytery," 

published in the Richmond Whig, as follows 

" If there be any shay-goai of a minister among us, tainted with the blood- 
hound principles of abolitianism, let Mm be ferreted out, silenced, excommuni- 
cated, and left io the piihlic to dispose of him in other respects. 

" Your affedionate brother in the Lord, 


Says the Rev. Alexander Campbell, of Virginia 

"I would hold as sacred the' rights of the South to their slaves, as I do tfee 
lights of the North to their land, neither of which were at first ohtaine^ ia the 
temple of justice, and by the laws of immutable right and obligation; \>\it both 
of which are consecrated and sanctioned by national agreements, bonds, and 
pledges, as solemn as matrimony, and as irrevocable as the Magna Charta of our 
national existence." 

Says the Rev, Hufus W. Bailey 

" I love to dwell on the religious privileges and prospects of our black popuis' 
tion, in contrast with their breihren, who remain free in their native deserts." 

The same Rev. apologist for slavery also pro- 
fesses ^rea% /ear 

" That Great Britain, in a noble endeavor to act nobly, has precipitr ted her co- 
Idnial slaves to a deeper rain." 

The Rev. William M, Atkinson, of Virginia, afte^: 
giving to the legislators of that State the credit 
of first putting down the slave trade, says 

' " That they would have gone further, and have radically changed th? conditio^ 
of the black man in our country, if they had believed it could have been .done with 
eafe^y and with benevolence, the liietory of the times affords us ample Te96<?n Ut 
jbelieve, That in this respect they judged rightly I do not doubt ; and Irejoim 
for Hie sake of the black man, as well as of the white, that they did go judge," 

This Rev. gentleman, who is the general agent of 
the Virginia Bible Society^ in vindicating himself 
from the charge of being an abolitionist, in a letter 
publishjeft In the Richmond Whig, says : " My in^ 
terests a;re identified with those of my native Statie. 
My all o^' property, whicli, if it be but little, is stiii 


my ail, is vested in real estate and SLAVES in 

The Rey. Wm. S. Plumer, of Virginiaj having 
been absent from Richmond, when the ministers of 
the gospel of that city met to testify their abhor- 
rence of abolition, addressed the chairman of the 
Committee of Correspondence in such language as 
follows, which the editor of the Southern Religious 
Telegraph highly commends. 

"I have carefully watched this laatter firom its earliest existence,. and every 
thing I have seen and heard of its character, both from its patrons, and its ene- 
mies has coniirmed me, beyond repentance, in the belief that, let the character of 
Abolitionists be what it may in tho sight of the judge of all the earth, this ia the 
most meddlesome, imprudent, reckless, fierce and wicked excitement I ever saw. 
There is no man, there is no institution whose character is too sacred to recdve 
the assaults of these miserably misguided and ill-judging men. I am willing at 
anytime that the world should know that such are my views.— A few things are 
pei^tly cleax to my mind. 

" Ist The more speedy, united, firm and solemnly resolute, but temperate the 
expression of public opinion on this subject in the whole South, the better will it 
be for the North, for slaveholders, and g'enerally for the slaves. 

" 2d. If Abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is btit fair that ftey 
ahotdd have tke first warming at the fire ; and as was expressed in the Peters- 
burg resolutions, it is not right that our slaves be made needlessly to suffer. 
. " 3d. While it is undoubtedly true that at such times of dreadfiil excitment and 
, awful suspense, as good men at the South are now universally liable to, every 
man ought to hold himself entirely ready, spontaneously to make known his pos- 
ture and Ms character 5 yet it nnst be painful in the extreme to a man of real 
courage, to see an unoffending stranger treated with rudeness. Especially do I 
feel it to be my duty to declare my deep and utter abhorrence of the reign of the 
mob, In a land v/hae the only conservative principle is in a ready and profound 
subEoission to the majesty of law. The enormities that have been practised in 
a few instances in Virginia of lat^ have filled me with shame and sorrow. 

, "4th. Let it be procltdmed throughout this nation, that ?very movement made 
by the fanatics,' (so fiir as it has any effect in the South,) does but rivet every fet- 
ter of the bondsmjan— diminish the probability of any thing, bang aucce^afully 
undertaken for making him either fit for freedom, or likely to obtain it We have 
the authdrity of Mpntesquieu, Burke and Coleridge, three profotmd m»sters of the 
sdenee.ofhumapi- nature, in support of the position, that of all mien, fllavebolders 
are the rnost jealous of their hberties. One of Pennsylvania's most giSuA. sons 
MB lately pronounced the South the cradle of Liberty. And iinll men in any 


part of thio land continue to insult and harass as and threaten to drive the plough- 
share of ruin through our domestic relations, and yet suppose that we will turaeiy 
submit to ie. 

"5. While I am, from religious principles, opposed to war, yet should our bretb- 
ten in any part of this laud w eh to commence the work of fratricide and parri- 
cide,' I have rio doubt that even Virginia alone and unaided by more, could and 
would defend her name, her rights, her property, and the peaco and, quiet and 
comfort too of her sIhvc population, and that with the last drops of her feJood. 
But I , have no prevailing feata as to a war, I have lately had irttereburse wittt 
maay peopld in the Northern free States, many of them hiah ui office and in ho- 
nour both in Church and State, and I only saw two out of all that number who 
hold any affinity with these wild men. Gnvernora of States, Congressmen, Pre-' 
sidents of Colleges, Ministsrs of the Gospel, and hundreds of exceedingly worthy 
nien, expressed their abhorrence of this Jacobinism. Besides, the late public' 
meetitiga in Boston and Philadelphia show the state of the pubUc mind there. I 
will add, that I have not one acquaintance among the Society of Friends (and I 
am" horiored ^^iih the frieRdehip of many of them residing in Virginia and Phila- 
delphia) who* approves 61 the coiirse of ihese men, 

6. I confidently expect this storm to pass by, public confidence and general 
fliendship to be restored, oitr noble Colonization Society (which deplores doubly 
ait this juncture the loss of its gredi and good P'resident, the late Chief Justice^ 
one of whoso last actions vva§ a strong testimony in favor of that cause) to re- 
sitme her work of mercy and genuine benevolence, and plant for securing the 
eternal welfare of the slave, to begin with renewed energy to bless both master 
and sei vant. If that happ'y time shall come, and these poor deluded fanatics shall 
retitc frditl their work of mischii.f, let us not only forgive, but forget their folly and 
their Wickedness, and leave them entirely to their own consciences ttiiA thejndg- 
ment of their God for retribution. 

" Lastly—Abo iti mists are, like infidels, wholly imaddic'ted to tAartyrflom fot 
opinion's aake. Let them understand that they wiU be caiight if ihey come 
among us, and they will take good heed to keep out of our way. not 
<^e man among them who has any mord idesf of shedding his hloo j in this cause^' 
than he has of making war on the Grand Turk. Thtir universal spirit is to stand' 
off and growl and bark at men and insiitutions, without daring to march for oca" 
mament into their niidst and attack the^ with apostolic fborleasaess. 
• With sentiments of great respect, I remairt yours, &c. 


The man who titters thefse atr66rous sentiments 
is not of doubtful standing in the chur'ch-^tie is re- 
gdi'ded as one of its brightest of hameiitS. Hence' , 
when he shows the rottenness of his heart on thisf' 
stibj ect, he siiows th^ deep and foul corruptidh of, 
the church. He exposes what prudence had before 
striven to hide. He Idts fall the veil from that hy- 
pocrisy which, professes to labor for ike miversim 


of the whcfte wo7'/(^, while it is secretly resolved nev- 
er to lay down tlie bloody iash wbich makes mil- 
lions of lieathen at home. 

Another individual not less distinguished foT his 
activity and zeal in the benevolent operations of 
^ the day, is Rev. WmL J. Armstrong, late of Rich- 
mond, but npw one of the Secretaries of the A. B. 
C. F. M. In utterly disclaiming abolitionism^ and 
proi^ounciog the charge false and calumnwm^* he 

"On, the contrF-y^ I have always regarded th^ir meaisurea as rash,,un^qtrant- 
nhh, and mischierdus ; and the spirit in which they have prosecuted them, as 
•violent, recklei a and wicked. These sentiments I have freely expressed, both at 
th? North and the South, * When last in New York, ntore than two years ago, , 
t atcended a public meeting, as on opponent of abulittonistn— asd at the close of 
t6e meeting/ expressed these as' my fixed opinions to leading atolidonists whof 
weare presferi^ and warned them of the very consequences which are now result^ 
ing;from their infatuated pniceedings. 

WM. J. ARMSraqNG, 
, , . , . Sec* V C. B>l!!or^. Missions."' 

"I^ese: extracts might he indefiHiteiy multiplied^ 
l?ijt J^fiye already given enough tO' sjiow^. that 
southern ministry are deeply enlisted for the 
^ppportyOf slavery, and that we were grossly de^ 
Geived, when we supposed that the southern church 
was exerting any influence whatever for the removal 
of the abomination; The Charleston Courier, of 
3^py. i4th, I8?,5, cl^ayly sets Ibrth the ground which 
the tniths of abpUtioni^j^. have driven the southern; 
churcih/ as weU as thj? southern "world," tQ oc- 

, " Weof jhe jSlputh haiTei IteenjhitiierfQ Tnwcft to hldmet in, ello/wi^g supb^^Qtions, 
Wgaiti grolJttd'at th'e North, as that we regard slavery 88 an evil, and areansious' 
&> get^ bf 'it< Itisjhiiit tatefy thst yrhif&ve begtm tsmiake tha taortbsni .peoplei 
to undef standi thst ws hold slavery be keitheb a em koa4 omEtsB, but im.ot-^ 
finaiieo of I^ovidenoe, aiid a i*RAC*ftdAL 2LESS1NQ." 

Has a change all at btice passed Upon sotttherBf 


opinidns of slavery 1 Have the Blaveholders just 
learned from tlie denunciations of the, abolition- 
ists that slavery is not a curse, but a practical 
blessing ? Surely not. If they had ever regarded 
it as an evii, they would have been glad of our aid 
in its abolition. They would have welcomed dis- 
cussion. They would have hailed the hope of re- 

Now what mighty cause set in motion this course 
of action and re-action between the South and the 
Noiith, or rather, between the" enemies and the 
slutmbering friends of human nature, which has so 
far broken up the fatal delusion of American slave- 
ry f? We Answer, tbe simple doctrine ©f the sin of 
slavery, and the duty of imrmdiate enmndpaticm^ 
proclaimed and xeiterated by the affiliated anti- 
slavery societies. To tiie anti-slavery organization 
h due, under Ood, the credit of a discovery which 
no othef orgianization ever approached, and for the 
want of which, all other pi^ofesscdiy afttl-slavery 
movements ha;ve but more closely rivetted the fet- 
ters of the slaves, and mare rapidly urged our 
country to her ruin. 

The spirit of the last annual meeting gave tone 
td the year. The proposition to raise ^3G;000, for 
the Society's funds, was nobly met by the deliegates 
preseht, nor was it less magnanimously seconded 
by the New England Convention, which met in 
Boston soon aftet, nor kt the annual meeting of the 
New Hampshire Anti-Slavery Socieity; How far 
the resolution li&s been accomplished, the Trea^ 
surer-6 i&^otl Will 5ht>i;^j and with what benefit ti? 


the cause, we trust will be shown by a much larger 
attempt the present year. Great accessions were 
made, at these meetingSj of powerful friends. The 
Methoiist clergy, of the central part of New Eng- 
land, deserve especial mention. They came for^ 
ward almost in a body, animated with the spirit of 
the venerable Wesley, and openly joined the aboli- 
tion standard. There were, also, large accessions 
pf the choicest spirits from various other classes of 
christians. The public, convocation in the month of 
May, seem to have brought into vigorous; life all the 
iseed which had been sown broad-east over the free 
states in the previous winter. The second annual 
yeppjt, laden with these thrilling facts, showing the 
progress of the past, and the plans of the future, 
seems tp have commenced at the South the great 
work pf tearing pff the mask. The seuthern newsr 
papers, of all parties, betrayed the greatest alarm 
and indignatipii. They began tp perceive that their 
pQ,st contempt fpr the aboHtipn cause was quite mis- 
placed ;^th?it twQ hundred affiliated societies pf 
j;7r\,pie4tui;6 abolitionists^ rapidly increasing, wieldijtig 
the ppwer pf the press, and making an ppen and 
well arranged attempt tp change |m6/ic sentiment in 
l-egard to the mpraiity pf hplding men as prpperty, 
was likely to exppse the tyranny and hyppcrisy pf 
theJSotttl^ tP the detpstatipn pf the wprld, and 
bring ^hpir pretep^ipns abput the "necessary ievil" 
to a lest they >vpuld pet bear. Out pf irrepressible 
yexatjcj, th^y pppqeeded tp hasten the develppr 
ment themselves,- — tp cpnfess their guilt by angry 
^nd murderpus t-hyeats. The appearance ;pf the 


publications themselves, 175,000 of which were 
issued in the month of July, hastened the develop- 
ment, and brought out the monster into open day. 
It directly appeared, that in his old hiding place he 
had acquired the most formidable dimensions, and 
gigantic strength. The boasted bulwarks of our 
national liberties, as we have already seen, were 
but cob-houses before him. 

By some, the sending of anti^slavery publican 
tions, such as those issued in July, to slaveholders 
themselves, has been supposed to have, been exceed- 
ingly shortsighted, impolitic, and indecorous. It 
has been said, we might have foreseen that such a 
measure would exceedingly exasperate the South, 
and close it, perhaps for ever, against a mor^ appeal 
of any sort. But when the moral conduct of a set of 
men was denounced to their countrymen, did not de- 
corum require that they themselves should be serv^ed 
with copies of the charges against them ? When the 
rest of the nation was called upon for a moral effort 
to rescue that sixth part which is in bonr e, did 
not policy require the best possible proof to be giv^ 
€n, that this action was to be directed to the ^on- 
science of the master, and not to the pamons of the 
slave 1 And had our foresight been prophetic, ought 
we to have shunned the means, which being rightr 
eousin themselves, have resulted in stripping slave- 
ry of its most available defence ? Without arro^ 
gating to themselves any superior wisdom or forcr 
sight in this matter, the Committee must believe 
thitt those who accuse them of weakness or folly 
in this measure; are themselves yet under the influx 


ence of that sad deiusion, wbich this Committee 
has most earnestly sought to expose and banish. 

Having thus narrated the capture cf the grand 
outworks of slavery, and described the means by 
which it was effected, we proceed to sketch briefiy 
some of the grounds of hope for the final struggle. 

Let us ugain advert to the northern response to 
the southern demand. That demand amounted to 
the punishment of the abolitionists, the supprcv^ion 
of their societies and publications, and a total moral 
non-interference on the part of the North. The 
response is not yet complete. The merchants, and 
all those through whose hands the gain of slavery 
passes, and as many others as they, by their false* 
hoods, have been able to deceive, have made their 
response ; but as has been already remarked, this is 
not the response of the North. Neither was even this 
satisfactory to the South. It lacked the vital prin- 
ciple of action. It fell short of the demand in 
theory, and still more in practice. It abused the 
abolitionists, but dared not propose to punish them. 
Instead of suppressing the anti-slavery publications, 
it begged of abolitionists to put up their pens, and 
hold their tongues. It vindicated the right of the 
South to hold slaves, not on the ground of justice 
or divine law, but on the ground of the com^mci 
which our fathers were compelled to submit to as 
the price of the Union. There was a backward* 
ness in it which showed that there was either a 
eonscience in the respondents, which revolted from 
perpetual slavery, and woUld not tolerate it among 
themselves, or a moral sense in the community 


around them, which must not be too far outraged. 
Ifi this there is ground for encouragement. The 
demand of the South can never be higher, and her 
interested dependents at the North can never have 
stronger motives to satisfy that demand. The 
threat of a separation from the Union, was then 
fresh and terrible. It appalled the heart of every 
unreflecting patriot, and aroused against the aboli- 
tionists all his cherished pride about the stability of 
. his country's constitution, l^ut this never can be 
again. The South has demonstrated that she is 
too wise to execute her threat. Hfer proposed 
Southern Convention, which she loudly vaunted of 
in August, was laid up in the chamber of obliY^on 
by this simple argument from some of her states-^ 
men, who have not yet parted with their com-* 
moR sense. Your convention must propose to th^^ 
northern legislatures, a suppression of anti-slavery 
publications, on penalty of a dissolution. With 
this demand thenorthern legislatures will certainly 
7iQi comply ; and the South will be left to tl>e alter-' 
natite of foolishly executing its threat, or dishonor-^ 
ably backing out. The threat has grown stale, and 
its terror can never be restored. The South will 
not let go the best safeguard of her slavery out of 
spite against the abolitionists. 

The second part of the response is that of the 
Horthein legislatures. Formal appeals have been 
made to t^ /m by the governors and legislatures of 
the South, urging a course of legislation, auxiliary 
to that of the South, against the abolitionists. The? 
messages of some of the northern governors, were? 


supposed to indicate some disposition to adopt such 
legislation in the last resort; They contain abun- 
dance of proof that the grand support of slavery 
is in the corrupt moral sentiment of the North, 
But the demands were too large, no northern go- 
vernor however pro-slavery in his feelings, dared to 
meet them ; much less the more direct representa- 
tives of the people. Some of them have respond- 
ed by resolutions, some by the appointment of 
hitherto non-reporting committees, and some by si- 
lence. Massachusetts, by her legiskture) has per- 
mitted the abolitionists, to some extent, to plead 
their own cause before her, and her eyes have been 
so much opened by their arguments that she has^ 
refused to hatch the cockatrice's eggs that had 
been laid for her. The result of this discussion 
cannot but be most encouraging to the friends of 
human rights. It is a monument of the vincibility 
of prejudice and the triumph of plain truth, it \s 
a precedent which must have much weight upon 
the future legislation of the free states. It shows 
that abolitionism is not to run in the channels of 
party politics, but will enlist the sympathies and 
call forth the energies of true patriots of all par- 

No state is under stronger motives to adopt 
harsh legislation against the abolitionists than 
New- York. Her political as well as her commer- 
cial relations excite her strongly to maintain the 
favor of slaveholders, and to pollute her statute* 
books with laws against the free discussion of sla- 
very, yet she has not ventured to do so. 


Somethmg, to be sure, must be done to propitiate 
the South ; and it is worthy of reflection, that the 
best offering wliich a wise legislature could find, 
was the freedom of thought in the literary institu- 
tions cherished by the state. We suspect, that in 
making this selection, the cost was not counted, but 
the South only was consulted. The idea was truly 
southern. The New- York Senate seem to have 
counted on the alledged " ultraism" of the particular 
school selected, to be punished with legislative star- 
vation, to insulate it from the common sympathy. 
But even the rivals of Oneida Institute will 
sympathize with it in this matter. Their freedom, 
too, is dear to them, and colleges are too fond of ab- 
stract reasoning not to perceive that the freedom 
of one is the freedom of all. There are strong in- 
dications that the proscription of Oneida will be 
left unfinished; but whether carried into effect or 
not, it will not fail to benefit the Institute, as well 
as the cause for which its enemies would make it 

The third part of the northern response is yet to 
come. The honest, hard-handed, clear-headed, free 
laborers, and mechanics of the North are yet to re- 
ply; This part, the bone and muscle of society, has 
been looking on with increasing and kindling iiiter-, 
est, while the head and tail of society have beea 
strangely connected in acting the part of the South, 
Purse-proud aristocrats, and penniless profligates 
have united in the work of opposing the ajbolition- 
ists, each according to his ability and talents. 
There is little hope of converting these parties, till we 



ca*i change the interests of the one, and take away 
the grog of the other. But on the middle ground of 
society is a fair field, where truth bears a hundred 
fold. The yeorrianry of the land will unite on this 
(Question— they will identify their interests with 
those of the slave. They will throw ^ away poiitv 
cal and sectarian predilectionSj and stand forth on 
the Ijroad ground of human rights. From this class 
the caiise will always gain^ and never lose, till 
slaveholding shall tje synonimous with ROBBERY, 
in public opinion as it is in fact. 

I A response, too, will go forth from the northeim 

f church. Shame that it has never gone before. 
Shame that in this day it should be a novelty to ex- 
dude from the communion of saints, men who make 
merchandijse of the souls for whom Christ died! 
Yet so it is regarded. A refusal to sit doWn at the 
supper of the Lord with men, who systematically 
rob the hireling of his wages, is an innovation. But 
the wonder is, that a church, which could become 
so dead to the claims of the oppressed, whose ears 

; should be so sealed to the piercing cry, which for 
ages has entered into the ears of God, should ever 
be so graciously visited, as to be awakened even to 
propose sush an innovation. The power of this 
cause rests in God, and wo believe will be acted 
6tit through his chosen people— not of one particu- 
lar name or sect — ^but all that truly love their God, 
and honor his law. It is, therefore, with the highest 
pleasure} that we have witnessed the movements of 

I many of the ecclesiastical bodies during the past 
year on this subject. The Presbyterian Synod of 


Cmemnati has censured one of its Presbyteries, for 
admitting a slaveholder to the pulpit, A large 
number of synods, presbyteri(^s, associations, con- 
ferences, &c., in New England, New- York, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio, Michigan, and Illinois, have con- 
demned slavery as a sin against God, a,nd have in- 
sisted on the duty of immediate emancipation. The 
Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky has adopted and 
published a report, which unfolds the wickedness of 
slavery, as it exists in that state, and recommends 
the immediate adoption of a. plan for w/fmafe eman- 
cipation, /though it is to be lamented that these 
brethren could not have made their doctrine more 
accordant to the awful facts they detail — that they 
could not have insisted on the immediate abandon- 
ment of what they have represented as so intole- 
rably wicked that no Christian should think of 
participating in it for a moment; yet the fact of 
their having honestly spoken the truths of the actu- 
al condition of the slave, is greatly encouraging. 

It has been most providentially ordered for the 
cause of American abolition, that while the people 
pf the free states are morally responsible for the 
continuance of slavery, on account of the ten thou- 
sand channels of iniiuence through which they may 
affect it, their disposition to discharge their moral 
responsibility is brought to the test by a definite 
legal, or constitutional rejsponsibility. There is no 
part of the Constitution of the United States more 
clear and unequivocal, than tiiat which gives to the 
represelitatives of the United States in Congress 
Sissemljlied,' the full legislative control of the Dis- 


tf ict of Columbia, " iii all cases whatsoever." Never 
while that . Constitution exists, can any voter for a 
congressman do his duty otherwise than by throw- 
ing his vote where it will tell most for the abolition 
of slavery in that District. The slave states have 
not the shadow of constitutional right to continue 
slavery there, any further than they derive that 
power from their votes. And as their votes are a 
minority in Congress, we have the spectacle of 
slavery supported, by the votes of non-slaveholders ; 
a plain proof that much of the moral influence of 
the North is in favor of slavery. The very purpose 
of putting the District of Columbia under the pow- 
er of Congress was, that the ^Capital of the nation 
might faii'ly represent the spirit of the nation. And 
it;wUl do so. From that spot it may be judged, 
and that is the only spot from which a judgment 
can be derived, that this is a nation of tyrants, a 
nation that tramples on the rights of the poor, a na- 

' tionthat tra:ffics in the souls and bodies of its own 
unfortunate citizens. The duty of removing this 
reproach lies, on every ; man and woman in the na- 
tionjrTrup:on?:Qvery one who has a vote,^ upon every 
.c^i€? who has the right of petition —upon every one 
wl>o can lift: ;a petition, or exercise the slightest 
influence over a voter. It is true that abolition 
iti the District of Columbia is not to be expected ex- 
cept in Gonsequfence of a great change of public 
sentiment in the country, and to effect such change, 

I must be the direct and principal object of our labors ; 

\ still, just in proportion as we succeed in this great 
' and comprehensive object, will our success show it- 


self on the question of abolition ifl the District 
Abolition faith will be shown by abolition works. 
Northern abolitionists will not suffer the retort of 
slaveholders, " First abolish the slarery in which 
you participate, before you condemn that, which is 
exclusively ours." This is a question on which 
zeal can never tire, on which true republicans caii 
never slumber : a question on which defeat is not 
disgrace, except to the victors, and on which vic- 
tory is the certain reward of perseverance. 

From Congress, at its present session, nothing 
snore could have been expected than has taken 
place in the country at large — the more full devel- 
opment of the true character of slavery. The pe^ 
titions for the abolition of slavery in the District 
have abundantly . answered this purpose. They 
have brought out the spirit of tyranny, whidh 
would consign to the fiery furnace every man who, 
in his honesty, will not fall down and worship the 
" golden image":— legalizedoppriessioni The speech*- 
es of Calhoun, Pickehsj Hammond, Wise, and oth- 
ers, have so miich enlightened the northern xaind, 
that we trust the tables of the next Congress will 
groan with a tenfold weight of petitions^ and the 
«^m6^ champions of eternal and unmitigable bon- 
dage will: have a still wider opportunity to recom- 
mend and explain their darling system to ;tfae free 
laborers of the North. Political cunning has, for 
the present, Jburied this important, discussion in the 
halls of Congress; but we have this; consolation, 
that those who voted the burial, dared not deny the 
constitutional right of Congress io apt in the cas^, 


and have tlwis furnislied as strong a proof as such a 
majority could, that Congress has the power. Good 
men, however, of all parties, will not forget those 
who, for the sake of personal ends, presumed to 
vote, that " Congress ought not, in any way, to inter- 
fere, with slavery in the District of Columbia." 
Such traitors to tie honor of their country, and the 
r^hts of the laborer, will be remembered at the 
poHs^that they may be forgotten. 

Friends and fellow laborers, the enemy nov^r 
stands openly before us. His foot is on the neck, 
of Si500,000 of our fellow-men. He asserts his 
isght to maintain his position, and to increase the 
nmnber of his victims, itle begs no longer any fa- 
vors from the circmiistances of the case, he talks 
no more about a hard necessity : he boldly avows 
fliaVery to be the jbeist condition x)f the laborer^ 
.without ^juaMcation of color or clime. He naadly 
Ihreateiis more; closely to shut out the light of eter^ 
nai We fr<^>Di the imprisoned soul, as if thei dark 
midi i^atical mixture of Christianity and heaiheiiism, 
imder an even increasing ioad^of stripes and chains, 
]«rere less likely to. breed insurrection and seiml<fe 
^aT' than the ^kind in^uences of &ee ajid genuine 
-chzistiaiyity combiiied; with the mild and equitable 
-gevermiient of iavf I Such is the enesiajr' tibat We 
-filial rakftpsdit amidst our free institutions ;-^^fend^ 
ed 0n aii sides by fordficaticnis bmltout of 
^tyi I or neglect. ; Ik there a : iosa: that love^ his 
iCoiint^y or his race who will not; notv tak^ the 'side 
ofi fireedomf is there fei woMant^ Is there ai child?? 
The ^6rk is plain. L^t aboMomsis |}lanl in ever3r 


free breast a holy horror of the sin of slavery, by 
exposing in the light of truth its liature and ten- 
dencies. This will cut off the supply of enterprise 
and talent and sanctity that has yearly flowed to 
the South to prop up the unhallowed system. It 
wi^l purify the church; it will aholitionize southern 
travelers and residents in the North instead of per- 
mitting them to diffuse the power of sMvery amon^ 
us. It will lay slaveholder.s tiiidel* ian einbargoi suri 
round them* as the m^oral invalids of the univfersej 
with a cordon samtaire. It will confine the eonta- 
gion to the spot of its origin, ^ the pest house of 
human nature. Who can doubt, with siich ti?eat^ 
ment a spieedy recovery '1 Let the aboMoMis^ see 
to it that the rights of humanity, and the high privi- 
leges of our country are secured to our • icolored 
brethren who are free. Let them smile upon their 
laudablee ndeavors to elevate themselves, and wash 
off the marks Of the degrading chain and scdurgeJ 
Let them trample on ihe cord of caste and dare tO 
treat men accordmg to their deserts and not atecord- 
ing to the mean and guilty prejudices of an Oppres- 
sive nation. Let them thiow open to deserving 
colored youth— the mechanic's shop^ to form^ the 
counting house and the halls of education. Of what 
use is freedom if it does not open the door to man- 

Let it be remembered that the practicability and 
safety of our advice to the slaveholders is no long- 
er a matter of question. They said to us, let us 
wait and see the result of the emancipation of 
800,000 British slaves. Well, we have seen the re- 


suit; aad it verifies our predictions, — if those 
Kiay be called predlctioDS, which are hut the plain- 
est teaehingB of common sense. 
^ . la fine, . the Committee would congratulate their 
brethren of the Society upon the field before them. 
It is one : of: certain conquest. But still, if there are 
any who would join us, who have not made up 
their miiids to sulTer far more of reproach and vio» 
lence than has yet been expedenced, — nay, even 
death itself, they Jjad better turn back. This So- 
ciety has no rewards to bestow, but those of a good 
conseiemve. With all the advance of our principles, 
tue>brttte for6e' of the community is not on our side. 
We have opened, and shall open, no road to politi- 
cal preferment. Byery inch of the way is to be 
fought through odium and proscription. The mo- 
merit the cause shall have become popular, it will 
have accomplished its object; and if any have 
hoped to ascend by it to earthly glory, they will 
find themselves on the ground. The strength of our 
cause must be in the " humble, fervent prayer of the 
righteous man, which availeth much," and the bless- 
ing of that God, who hath chosen the weak tliingsi 
of this world to confound the mighty. 
; • , By order of the Executive Committee, 
^ ^- ' ' ■ ■^■•.■■"ELIZUR'^WRmHT; Jr: 

^ Sec. of Doni. Con 
';New-York,' May 1836.,,,'' - ■ 


List of antlslavery sociETi2s\ 

'i'he following list, with all its imperfections is Bubmittod, as better thati nond 
The errors which may be pointed out during the year, will be carefully corrected 
in the next Eeport. Secretaries of all Aiiti-Slavery Societies are earnestly request- 
ed, seasonably to attend to the Resolutiohs oh the 26th page of this Report. 

The figures in the last cohimn, enclosed in parentheses, represent the number 
of members at ths date of the society's organization ; the succeeding figureS) 
the number at the Jireseht time. Where the original number of members is not 
tihus given, the number which stands against any society was given when its 
organization was first teported. 





Bloomfield and Milbum, 
Bowdom College, 
Bux en, 

Cumberland CounSf/, 








Kennebcck Cvxnfy, 


Maine (Siate,) 

fifount Desert, 


New Sharon, 
North V'jrniouth, 
Oxford County, 

Portland, (Young Men's) 
Portland, (Female) 
WaterviHe, ' 

Weluut KiU, 


Richard H..Vo8e, 
Henry Masters, 

Rev. <5eorge E. Adams, 

Peter Libby, 
Prof. W. Smyth, 
Reuben Sweetzer, 
John Titcomb, 

Joel Gowee, 
Charles O. Libby, 

George Shephferd, 

Joseph Bfadkett, 
Rev. Geo. E. Adams, 
Rev. C. L Carey, 
Cenjamin Jolinson, 
Samuel MasoO) 
Samuel Harris, 

P. H. Greenleaf; , 
JarAes M. Dodge, 
Mr& Miriam Hussey, 

Stepheh SeWatl, ISsq., 
Jacob Abbot, ^sq., 

' John fiacob, 


March 1833, 

March 1836, 
Feb. 1835, 

April 1835, 
Feb. 1835, 
Dec. 1835, 
May 1835, 
Oct. i833i 

iVTarch 1836, 
Oct 1834, 
Mav 1834, 
April 1836, 

Dec. 1834, 

March 1833, 
Oct. 1834. 
April 1834, 

March 1834, 

iiarch 1820, 
'Total number of Societies, 34. 

No. Membsi 



(11) 29, 




(25) 83. 

(22) 13I. 

(74) SO. 

(S)) 103. 









Concord, {Female) 

Concord, (Juvenile) 



Dover, (Female) 

Dover, (Yoangr Men's) 

Dartmouth College, 


Great Palls, 


Grantham, (Female) 



Hampton Falla, 




N. Hampton, (Theo.Sem.) 

Nbw Hahi^hibe, (State) 

N. H.Conference,(M.K C.) 


New Market; 

New Market (Female) 


Plymouth, (Female) 



Biochester, (Female) 


Sendwhicu, (Female) 
Strafford County, 


^ feEcaSTABIES. 

i Dates. 

Alonzo Chedwick, 
Jacob S. Eaton, 
Dr. Peter P. Woodbury, 
Hubbard Harris, Jr. 
John Farmer, 
Miss Mary Clark, 
Davia Baker, Esq. 
J. W. Towie, 
Amos .Gbaee, 
Charles A. Davis, 
Dea. Daniel II. Parker, 
Wm. H. Altjen. 
Miss Elizabeth Wheeler, 
Dr. A. G. Frnner, 
Greoree S. "iov/le, 
David A. Bunton, 
Theodore B. Moses, 
Edward A. Rice, 
Miss. Emeline Cone, 
Rev. Amos Kidder, 
Stephen Blanchard, 
N. Ambrose, 
T. K. Blaisdell, 

Dr. Jaimes B.Ablwtt, 
Edwin R, Reynolds, 
John Farmer, 

D. Sanborn, 
Cteorge P. TibJjettB, 
Miss Sally Shepherd, 
N. P. Rogers, Esq. 
Mrs. N P.'Rogers, 
Dr. Jeremiah Blake, 
Henry M. Lindsay, 
Miss. Caroline Hale, 
Joseph L. £|uimby, 

Dr. JohnJM. Berry, 
Daniel L. Simpson, 
Moses A, Cortland, 

June I835( 
Sep. 1835, 
Dec. 1835, 
April 1835, 
June 1834, 
Nov. 1834, 
Feb. 1834, 
July 1835, 
Sep. 1835, 
Dec, 1836, 
Aug. 1834. 
F«B. 1835, 
Feb. 1835, 
Aug. 1835, 
March 1836, 
April 1835. 
Dec. 1834, 
Nov. 1835, 
Nov. 1835, 
July 1836, 

July 1835, 

May 1835, 
Aug. 1824, 
Nov. 1834, 

March 1935, 
Jan. 1836. 
Feb. 1836, 
Dec. 1833, 
Feb. 1834, 
May 1836, 
Feb. 1836, 
Feb. 1836, 
Sep. 1835, 
Oct. 1836, 
April 1836, 
March 1835, 

No. Membs. 

Total number of Sdcietie^ 42. 




(68) 70. 





(35) 160. 
(101) 206. 
(20) 25. 








• Names. 



No. Mbbibs. 

Addison County, 

Barnet and Rysgate, 







OUver Johnson, 

William liFLetan, 
Jame^' Billiard, ' 

Epbraim Marchazp, 
Miitoi! Fisher, 
Samtiel M WsJsoflj 
Oliver J. Eells, 

July 1835, 
July 1835, 
March 1834, 
July 1935, 
March 1835, 
Feb. 1836, 

July 1933, 

(25) 130. 

(21) 78. 

(8) 167. 



"errisbui'gh end 












Newbury Centre^ 

North Fairfield, 









Vebmont. (State) 








Windham County, 


Samuel CoHine, 
Samuel C. Fletcher, 
Rowland T. Robinson, 

Leander Hoskins, 
Solomon Blif s, 
Joel Holton, 

Oliver Johneon 
C. L. Enapp, 
John Stevenson, 
Elias H. Sherman, 

Dr. Zebina Panybom, 

A. Johnson, 

Jonathan Eattey, 

Dr. J. Itolton^ 
O. S. Murrey, 
Ithamar Smith, 

Nov. 1834, 
March 1834, 
April 1834, 
Wra. SteJixng, 

March 183^ 
Total number of Sodedes, 44. 

y 1834, 

Dec. 1834, 
March 1834, 

Jan. 1836, 
Jan. 1835, 
Jan. 1836, 
Jan. 1835, 
April 1833, 
Nov. 1934, 
April 1836, 
Jan. 1835, 
Oct. 1835, 
April 1835, 
March 1836, 

Aug. 1633, 

Feb. 1334, 
Jan. 1835, 
May 19344 

March 1836, 
May 1834, 
Feb. 1834, 

Ncj Membq. 


(67) 122. 

(150) 30O. 


(14) 175. 
(50) 100. 
t48) 9i. 
(44) 64. 

(60) 368. 



Aiaesbury Mills, 

" (Female), 

Amherst (North'Parbb;) 



Boston (Votsne Men'«,) 
Boston Ladies, 
Bqwdoin St. (Boston); 

Bozboio (Femtde,) 
. Bradford, 


James RowelSj 
Miss Betsey Ltnscutt; 
Nathaniel Wright, 
Gilnian Jones, 

Nalh. H. Whiting, 

S. O.Torrey, 
Miss A. W. Weston, 
Wm. H. Ha:y.W6rd, 
Rer. Dr. Ghtieseman, 
Samuel Ha > ward,: 
Mrs. E. Hdywanii 
Dr. Geo. Cogswell, , 


Dec. 1833, 
Dec 1833, 

Jan. 1835, 
Nov. 1834, 

Feb. 1835, 
March 1836, 

Sept 1833, 
Oct. 1833, 
Nov. 1834, 
Feb. 1835, 
June 183^' , 
June 1835, 
July 1835, 

No. Membs. 



(20) 189. 
(12) 300. 
• 100. 




"Cowpef' (BoBton,) 


Essex County, 

Essex St. (Boston,) 

Easi Kandolphj 



Fall River, 

Fall River (Female,) 



Oroton (Female,) 





HavarhiU (Female,) 






Lowell (Female,) 
Lowell (Young Men'?,) 

Lynn (Female,) 



MiddUsex Cmnty, 

JBabsachcsktto (state) 



Newburyport and vie. 

Kewburyport (Female,) 

New Bedford, 

New Rnwley, 

New Bedford (Y. Men's,) 


Old Colony, 

0.(d Humpahire, 

Plymouth County^ 

Pine St. (Boston,/ 


Reading (Female,)^ 
Saliem and vie., 
Sa!em (Female,) 
South Readmg, 

Sudbury (Female,) 
Sajtsm Stt (Boston,) . 
South Redoing (Femay^Y 
South Weymouth (Fern.) 

Uxtijidgc (Pemal*i> 


Stephen Viaile, Jun. 
Rev. David Sandford, 
John G. Whiitier, 
John A. Allan, 
Re?. David Brigham, 
Otis Hodges, 
Milton M. Fishei^ 
A. Brownson, 
Miss Sarah BuiRim, 

C. B. Famsworth, 
Elizabeth Farnsworth, 
Charles White, 
Rev. Robert B. Dickie, 

John G. Whit tier, 
Mis3 E. H. WhittieVi 
Buckliu Fitts, 


Rev. Wm. Twining, 
Mrs. Nathaniel Thurston, 
Samuel A. B own, 
Edward S. Davi% 
Anna Purinton, 
Nath. A. F^dyj 
RliaS Lovell, 
Rev. Wm. Twining, 
Rev. S. J. May, 

Edward J. Pompey, 
Phipeas Craiidal), 
Miss Susan C. Wood, 
John Burragv, 
Daniel Palmer, 
H. W. Lee, 
Jonathan Cuttmg, 
Geo. Russell, 
Isaac Clark, 
GkiO. Russell, 
Charles C. Barry, 
Wm. Wsjiefitld, Jun. 
Mrs. CynthiR Pendextxjr, 
Rev. Gto. B. Cheevej,. 
Miss L. L. Dodge, 
ELev. Isaac Sawyer, 
Jacob Vinal, 
Miss Maiy Rice, 

Miss M. A. Avery, 
Mrs. E. T. Lord, 
Hodges Reed,. 
Richard Batter,. 
Sylvia Wilfard, 
Geo. A. Willisras, 
Lewis Goiirgfts, 
Joseph B. G^rauld, 
Henry A. Woodman, Nov. 1834, 

Sept. 1835, 
April 1935, 
June 1834, 
May 1835, 
March 1836, 

July Ji834, 

July 1833, 
Oct. 1834, 
March 1836, 
April 1834, 
June 1635, 
July 1835, 

July 1834, 
Jan. 1836, 
Feb. 1836, 
Nov. 1834, 
March 1834, 
Dec. 1834, 
Jan. 1836, 
April 1832, 
May 1836, 
Dec. 1834, 
Dec. 1834, 
Oct. 1834, 
Jan. 1832, 
Feb. 1836, 

April 1834, 
May 1834, . 
Julv 1834, 
May 1831, 
Feb. 1836. 
Apriil 1836, 

Jan. 1836, 
July 1834, 
June 1834, 
March 183^ 
March 1833, 
Jan. 1634, 

April 1834, 

Dec. 1835, 
Nov. 1835, 
May 1835, 
March 1834, 
March 1836, 

No. Membs. 

(19) 205. 



(12) £2. 


(40) 100. 


(5) 185. 



(ea> loo! 

(80) 112. 
(30) 120. 
(96) 108. 
(50) 75. 


(53) 91. 

(70) 469. 

(12) 33. 





No. MsMia. 


West Harwich, 
WoTCMicr Co. (North,) 

H-Wscicr Co. (South;) 
Weymouth (Female,) 

John ii. Morse, 

George Allen, 

James Whittemere, 
Mrs. H, C. Fifield, 

March 1835, 

Jan. 1836, 

Feb. 1826, 

April 1836, 
Sept. 1835, 


(30) 46. 

Total number of Societies, 97. 





i\o. Memss. 


Bnrrin f f nn 




Kent County, 

Kent County (Female,/ 


Natick (Femalcj) 
Natick (Young Men's,) 
North Scituate, 
Providence (Female,) 
Providence (Juv. Female,) 

Phoenix and Arkwright, 
Rhode Islakd, (State) 
Smithfield and vie. 
Union, (Fiskeville) 
VaUey Falls, 

William Henry An^hony^ 

John L. Clarke, 
Mary Arm Peck, 

Benjamin L. Pamsworth, 
Miss H. Famum, 
Miss Almira Bolles, 
Ray Potter, 

Wm. Drown, 
Aaron White, Jim., 
Geo. J. Adams, 

Jan. 1S36, 
Aug. 1835, 
Aug. 1835, 

June 1833, 
AprU 1835, 
Dec. 1834, 
June 1834, 

Feb. 2. 1836, 
Nov 1835, 
Jan. 1836, 


(75) 83. 
(234) 24a 




(36) 126, 

(8) 122. 

Total number of Societies, 20. 





No. Membb. 

Brooklyn (Female,) 


Deep River, 


QreenviUe (Female,) 


Middletuwn (Fcm. colrd.,) 


Norwich and vie, 

Norwich (Female,) 



Windham County, 

West Woodstock and vie, 

F. M. B. Burleigh, 
Herbert Wil iams, 
Joseph H. Mather, 
Thomas Cowles, 
Elizabeth Kennedy, 
E. A. Stillman, 
Mrs. Claiissa M. Beman, 
J. E. P. Dean, Esq., 
Alphcus Kingsley, 
Miss F M. Caufkine, 
C. C. Burleigh, 

Thomas Huntington, 

James R. Guild, 

July 1834, 
March 1836, 
July 1835, 
Feb. 1836, 

June 183^ 

Aug. 1833, 
May 1834, 

(22) 53. 

(40) 7a 
(43) 94. 

Total numbsrof gocietie% 15. 


Mkganxs Countv, 

Auburn (Theo. Sem.,) . 




Aiba&y (Colored,) 

Buifalo (Female,) 

Chat. ChsR N. Y. (Fem.,) 

Fort [Aim, 

(0mssss6 Counb/i 

KadBon (]?eala!0 . 


HetimUoa College,' 



Ilf bron, 



Jeferson Ceunitf, 

I^vsis CiKtR^y, 

Ledyard. , 

Monroe Counttf, 
Mt. Morri% 

New- York C5ty, 
Wew-York ( YoungMen's,) 
New- York (Female,) 
New Hartford, 

Wbw-Yobx:' (State,) 
North Bergeb, 
Ontida Cwntj^ 


Rev. Moses HuaUng, 
John J. Keep, 
Otis Allen, 
J. A. Northrop, 

J. G. Stewart, 
E. A. Mareh, 
Miss Harriet Rossitcr, 
Gardner Mudge, 
Dorcas Beli, 
Kendall Wilder, , 
Julius ChurchilL 
Charles Sturtevont, 

J, B. Wilcox, 

Lewis T. Hawley, 
G. W. P. Beman, 
Levi A. Skinner, 

Joseph H. Mertick," 
J. C. Hathaway, 
William BartieB, 
A. P. Knox, Esq. 

CO. Sbepard, ■ 
Edwin Andrews, 

Maria Manott, 
Thomas Pothecaf f, 
W. Richardson, 
Simeon S. Bradibrd, 
Bradley B'akeley, 
Dr. David Martin,' 
Jolm Carlisle, 

Franklin Storer, 
Ezra Carter, 
Henry Page, Esq., 

John J. Thomas, 

Esra Campbell, 

Rfeuben. Sleeper, 
Rev. Richard Dunttina 

J. P. Ri>binsoh, Esq., 
Mrs. A. L. Cox, 
Dr. U. H. Kellogg, 

Re?. B. Greeo, 


April 1835, 

Mfty 1835, 
Dec. 1835, 

April 1836, 

Sept. 1835, 
Sept 1835, 

May 1835, 
April 1835, 

March 1835, 
March 1836, 
Oct. 1835, 

Aug. 1835, 

April 1835, 
May 1835, 
July l^, 
Sept 1835^ 
Nov. 1833, 

M^y 1835, 
Deo. 1835, 
Feb. 1836, 

Oct 1835, 
May 1834, 
Aug. 1836, 
Sep. 1835, 
March 1935, 
Feb. 1836, 
March 1836, 
Dec. 1836, 

April 1835, 
June 1836, 
April 1836, 
Dec. 1835, 
Oct 183a 
May 1834, 
Apnl 1835, 

July 1835, 
Oct 21, 1836, 
March 1836, 
May 1835, 

No. Membs. 

(lav 23. 
(20) 100. 








Oneida Inst tute, 
Oneida Gaatle, 
Oswego County, 
Peru and Chesterfield, 
Perrinton, , 

Peru (Female,) 
Rochester Ciiy, 
Rochester (Fem. Colored,) 

Rochester (Female,) 

Smithficld and vie. 


Sherburne (Female,) 



Suffolk County, 

Sanquoit (Female,) 



Troy (Female,) 

Utica (JuvenileJ 
IJtica (Psmale JaVenile,) 
Utj.Ca (Young men's,) 
Utica (Pemale,) 

WhiteaDoro* (Female,) 




Wealeyan (N. Y. city,) 


Washinglon County, 


Alfred C. Lathrop, 

Starr Clark, 
John L. Duzenbury 
P. B, Wats-n, 
Josiah Andrews, 

Justus Beardsley, 
William Walker, 
H. P. Barker, 
G. A. Avery, , 

Benj. P. Johnson, 
W. H Pettit, 
Mary P. ftiuithewa, 
Joshua M. Fiake, 
Daniel Valentine, Jun. 
Enoch Honeywell, 
Colquhoun Grant, 
J. Copeland, 
Mrs. H. Avery, 

Rev. J. R. Moser, 
Emily Priest, 
Wm. Whitft 
Wm. Yatesj 

Rev. O. Wetmore, 

J. T. Marshallj 
Mrs. M. S. Savag<^ 

Miss Berry, 

Morris Sutherland, 
Robert P. Biddle, 
Rev. L. H. Loss, 
Rev. Le Roy Sunderland, 
Spencer Reed, 

Asa S. Hatch, 
H. R. Dunham, 
Rev. John Fisher, 

Dates. No. BIembs. 

Total number of Societies, 103. 

June 18X3, 

Oct. 1835, 
March 1835, 
March 1835, 
Fob. 1835, 

Feb. 1835, 
Aug. 183^ 
Aug. 1835, 

July 1834. 
April 1835, 
Sep. 1836, 

July 1834, 

April 1835, 
Sept. 1835, 

Aug. 1835, 
May 1835, 

April 1835, 
April 1835, 
June 1634, 
April 1833, 
April, 1831, 
Dec. 183 \ 
Nov. 1836, 

April 1834, 

April 1834; 
Nov. 18S5, 

Feb. 1836, 
March 1836, 
April 1835, 

(20) 82. 

(3S) 7r. 
(13) 8?. 

(150) 26a. 

(30) 70. 

(44) 476. 


(14) 100. 

(20) 44 
• ISO. 
(60) m 



(17) 124. 
(35) WO, 





No. Mehss. 


Newark, (Colored,) 





John Grimes, 
A. B. Ray, 
Ellison Conger, 


Rev. W. Newell, 

April 1836, 



Total number, of Societies, 6. 





iJeorcr CotirUy, 

Clarkson. (Sadsbury,) 
E3f8t Falbwfield, 
jSrie Countf/, 
Mercer County, 

Mt. Pleosant, 



Philadelphia, (Y. men's,) 

Philadelphia, (Female,) 


Pi'tsburgh, (Female,) 



Su8<juekanna County, , 
West Middletownj 
West Chester, 

Westmoreland County, 
Washinaton, (Wash. Co.,) 
Washington, (Pay. Co.,) 


Rev. Geo. Scott, 
Jno. Scotti 
EU Hambieton, 

Herman Gebhart, 
James Fulton, Jr., 
Rev. Charles MortODj 

Samuel Cross, 
Stephen Brush, 
Rev. A. W. Bjttck, 

Alexander Cochran, Esq., 

Benj. S. Jones, 

Wm. Greaves. 

Mary Grew, 

John Dickson, 

Mrs. R. W. Lambdin, 

Albert L. Postj 
Rev. B.Allen, 

Wm. Brovfn, 

Sam. McFarlaland, Esq., 


Jan. 183G, 

Feb. 183(3, 

Dec. 1832, 
Aug. 1835, 
April 1836, 
Aug. 1835, 
Feb. 1836, 

Jac. 1835, 

July 1835, 
Aug. 1835, 
Feb. 1836, 
Aug, 1835, 
April 1834, 
May 183B, 
Dec. 1833, 
Oct. 1833, 
Jan. 183S, 
April 1836, 

April 1936, 
April 1836, 

Aug. 1835, 
Aug 1835, 
Feb. 1836j 
Si'pt. 1834, 
April 1836, 

Total namber of Societies, 32. 

No. Membsj 


(24) 41. 

(29) 86. 
(35) 80. 


(20) 140. 
(8) 47. 


(20) 140. 




Adams &Brovirti Co., 


Ashtabula Co., (Female,) 












Columbiana aad Fairfield, 


Rev. Henry Cowles, 
Jouu C. Pouge, 

Miss Betsey Cowles, 

William E. Wright, 
A. Myers. 

James T. Claypoole, 


8. Spverdnce, 
Lot Holmes, 
John N. Tem|>leton, 


Sept. 1833, 

Sept. 1836, 

Jan. 1836, 

Feb. 1836, 
May 1835, 

Feb. 183S, 


No. Membs. 




(35) IfaO. 








Columbiana County, 



Canton (Pemalcj) 

Cuj'ahoga Falls, 




Deer Creek—Stark Co., 

Elyria (Female,) 




Fayette County. 







Geauga Couniy, 
Granville (Female,) 
GJeneva (Female,) 

Georgetown (Her. Co.,) 

Georgetown (Brown Co.,) 





Harrison Couniy, 








Kirtiand (Greauga Co.,) 


Lorain County, 





Miami University, 

Muskingum Counipj. 



Muskingum Co. (Female,) 


Dr. Wm. N. Hudson, 
Wm. Boyer, 

Thomas T. Husted, 
Abner G. Kirk, 
Abraham Baer, 

Mrs, E. A. G. Griswold, 
O. Wetmore, 
N. S. Bishop, 
R. Loomis, 
Wells Porter, 
Samuel Beane, 

E. Pearson, 
Rev. D. Miller, 
James G. Claypoole, 
W. Woolcott, 

Daniel T, Milliken, 
J. W. Libby, 
A. Cowles, 
Rev. A. Bridgman, 
Thomas Barton, 
Dr. W. W. Bancroft, 
Mary F.. Drury, 
Mary Pitch, 
M. Churchill, 
Isaac Lewis, 

J. B. Walker; 
Samuel Lewis,- 
D. Bushnell, 


Dr. Jesse Harvey, 

Stephen R,.Ward; 
N. Webb, 

Jonas Crosby, 
Albert A. Bliss, 

James Austin, 

O. Cole, 

J. M. Stone, 

J. C. Brown, 

Timothy Hudson, Esq., 

J. H. Day, 

Mrs. Hez. Sturgee,. 

Dates, jJVo. Memes. 

April 1835, 

Aug. 1835, 
Oct. 1634, 

March 1836, 
Jan. 1836, 

Jan. 1836, 
March 1636, 

March 1835, 

May 1835, 


Sept. 1834, 

July 1835, 
June 1835, 

Majch 1836, 

Sept. 1834, 

March 1836, 

April 1836, 

(20) 125. 






(7) 65a 


(50) 75; 

(30) &1 


<14) 17. 

(86) 122. 






Mt. Pleasant, 







Madison (FemaIcO 

Mt. Union, 

New Garden, 


New Lisbon, 

New Richmond, 

New Concord, 

New Athens, 

NortJi Bloomfield, 


Ohio (State,) 


Oberlin (Female,) 
Oberlin (Young Ladies,) 
Pickaway County, 
Paint V&lley, 
Portage County, 


Samuel Hall, 

Rev; E. W, Adams, 
Dr. A. Brook^ 

A. H. Talcott, 

Mrs. Glezen, 

William Griffith, 
S. Baldwin, 
Jolm Frost, 
W. G. Gage, 
Andrew Magee, 
Hugh Stevenson, 
Asa Smith, 

Albert A. Guthne, 
U. T. Chamberlain. 
Mrs. B. P. Ingersoll, 
Miss Angelina L. Terry, 
J. B. Finley, 
Rev. James H. Dickey, 
Tames S. Carpenter, 

B. Pepoon, 

Portage Counfy (Female,)' Miss Lucy Wright, 

St, Albans, 
St. Albans (Female,) 
Salem (Colum. County,) 
Stark County I 

Unity (Colum. Cotinty,) 



Vernon (Female,) 
Western Reserve, 
Weatem Reserve College, 
WaslUngion County, 
Wa^nesDurgh (W ayne Co) 
Welch Hill, 
Waynesburgh ,(!§,tarkCo.,) 
West Union, 
Wayne (Female,) 

Truman Case, 
Hon. A. Campbell. 

Wesley Wbipplei 
D. Lane, 
Mahlon Holden, 

A. 6. Kirk, 
J. S. Bunil, 

B. Stanton, 
A. Baer, Jr., 
Elizur Wright, Esq., 

G. M. Aikin, 
Mary P. Sutlif^ 
Rev. J. Monteith, 
Horace C. Taylor, 
Dea. Kingsley, 

William Rogers, 
Erasmus Phillips, 

Rachael Babcock, 


Aug. 1834, 

I'eb. 1836, 
Jun. 1836, 

May 1835, 
March 1836, 
Jan. 1836, 
Dec. 1835, 
Aug. 1834, 

.April 1835, 
June 1835, 
Dec. 1835, 
Dec. 1835, 
March 1835, 
May 1833, 

Sept. 1835, 

Feb. 1834, 

Oct. 1835, 
Jan. 1836, 
Jan. 1836, 
Nov. 1835, 
July 1835, 

Jan. 1836, 
April 1833, 

Aug. 1825, 
Aug. 1833, 
Nov. 1832, 
Sept. 1834,. 

Feb. 1836, 
Feb. 1836, 
Oct. 1835, 
April 1836, 

No. Membs. 






(20) ea 

(15) 55. 
(12) 122. 

(230) 300. 


(100) 120. 

(14) 55, 

(22) 33. 

(50) 77. 
(15) 85. 







(30) 40. 

Total number of Societies, 133. 




. Skceetasies. 


Lenaue County, 
Oakland County, 
Webster and Scjo, 

Wm. E. Prier, 
D. Comstock, 
Guorge W; Wisner, 
Theodore Foster, 

Feb. 1836, 
March 1836, 



Total number of Societies, 







No. MeMDS; 

South Hanover CoUege. 






No. Membs' 

Putnam County, 
Union Grove, 

George B. Willis, 
Nahuiu Gould, 





No. Mbmbs. 

KENTncEy (State.) 

Luke MutiBell, 

March 1835, 







Rock Creek, 

Allen Leeper, 

June 1835, 






No- Membs. 


Rev. Phineas Crandall, 

June 1835, 


Total number of Societies in the United States - . - - 527'